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    Friday, April 13, 2007
     

    BAUAW NEWSLETTER - FRIDAY, APRIL 13, 2007

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    Tell Bush and Congress:
    Don't Release Luis Posada Carriles!
    Extradite Posada to Venezuela
    https://secure2.convio.net/pep/site/Advocacy?JServSessionIdr006=238mdc75w3.app8a&cmd=display&page=UserAction&id=159

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    ARTICLES IN FULL:
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    1) Reflections by the Commander in Chief
    A BRUTAL REPLY
    Fidel Castro Ruz
    April 10, 2007
    http://www.cuba.cu/gobierno/discursos/2007/ing/f100407i.html

    2) Now the South Erupts
    Inter Press Service
    Ali al-Fadhily*
    http://www.dahrjamailiraq.com/hard_news/archives/iraq/000564.php#more

    3) Cuban Youth Searching for Their Inner Selves
    Juventud Rebelde reveals the finding of its Third National Survey of Youth
    2007-04-10 | 13:31:23 EST
    http://www.juventudrebelde.co.cu/cuba/2007-04-10/cuban-youth-searching-for-their-inner-selves-/

    4) Paying the Price
    By BOB HERBERT
    Op-Ed Columnist
    April 12, 2007
    http://select.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/opinion/12herbert.html?hp

    5) Four Years Later in Iraq
    Editorial
    April 12, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/opinion/12thu1.html?_r=1&hp&oref=slogin

    6) Civilian Claims on U.S. Suggest the Toll of War
    By PAUL von ZIELBAUER
    April 12, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/world/middleeast/12abuse.html?hp

    7) U.S. Suspects That Iran Aids Both Sunni and Shiite Militias
    By ALISSA J. RUBIN
    April 12, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/world/middleeast/12iraq.html?ref=world

    8) About Creation, Pope Melds Faith With Science
    By IAN FISHER
    April 12, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/world/europe/12pope.html

    9) Life in Iraq Worsening, Red Cross Says
    By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
    April 12, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/world/middleeast/12redcross.html

    10) 4 Years On, the Gap Between Iraq Policy
    and Practice Is Wide
    By DAVID E. SANGER
    April 12, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/world/middleeast/12policy.html

    11) Panel on Walter Reed Woes Issues Strong Rebuke
    By SCOTT SHANE
    April 12, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/washington/12medical.html?ref=us

    12) As His Time Grows Short, a Dog Seeks a Reprieve
    By PAUL VITELLO
    April 12, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/nyregion/12dog.html

    13) The Blinded Leading the Blind
    A Jones for Justice
    Connecting the Dots: Law, Slavery, and Immigration
    By Dr. John Calvin Jones, PhD, JD
    BC Columnist
    www.blackcommentator.com/225/225_jones_for_justice_law_slavery_immigration_pf.html

    14) REFLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT FIDEL CASTRO
    "More than three billion people in the world condemned
    to premature death from hunger and thirst."
    March 28, 2007
    Fidel Castro.
    Translated by Granma International
    [This email was sent as a service by Roland Sheppard.
    My website is http://web.mac.com/rolandgarret . Read
    my book, The View From The Painter's Ladder available
    at Amazon.com]

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    1) Reflections by the Commander in Chief
    A BRUTAL REPLY
    Fidel Castro Ruz
    April 10, 2007
    http://www.cuba.cu/gobierno/discursos/2007/ing/f100407i.html

    George W. Bush is undoubtedly the most genuine representative of a system of
    terror forced on the world by the technological, economic and political
    superiority of the most powerful country known to this planet. For this
    reason, we share the tragedy of the American people and their ethical
    values. The instructions for the verdict issued by Judge Kathleen Cardone,
    of the El Paso Federal Court last Friday, granting Luis Posada Carriles
    freedom on bail, could only have come from the White House.

    It was President Bush himself who ignored at all times the criminal and
    terrorist nature of the defendant who was protected with a simple accusation
    of immigration violation leveled at him. The reply is brutal. The government
    of the United States and its most representative institutions had already
    decided to release the monster.

    The backgrounds are well-known and reach far back. The people who trained
    him and ordered him to destroy a Cuban passenger plane in midair, with 73
    athletes, students and other Cuban and foreign travelers on board, together
    with its dedicated crew; those who bought his freedom while the terrorist
    was held in prison in Venezuela, so that he could supply and practically
    conduct a dirty war against the people of Nicaragua, resulting in the loss
    of thousands of lives and the devastation of a country for decades to come;
    those who empowered him to smuggle with drugs and weapons making a mockery
    of the laws of Congress; those who collaborated with him to create the
    terrible Operation Condor and to internationalize terror; the same who
    brought torture, death and often the physical disappearance of hundreds of
    thousands of Latin Americans, could not possibly act any different.

    Even though Bush‚s decision was to be expected, it is certainly no less
    humiliating for our people. Thanks to the revelations of „Por Esto!‰ a
    Mexican publication from the state of Quintana Roo later complemented by our
    own sources, Cuba knew with absolute precision how Posada Carriles entered
    from Central America, via Cancun, to the Isla Mujeres departing from there
    on board the Santrina, after the ship was inspected by the Mexican federal
    authorities, heading with other terrorists straight to Miami.

    Denounced and publicly challenged with exact information on the matter,
    since April 15, 2005, it took the government of that country more than a
    month to arrest the terrorist, and a year and two months to admit that Luis
    Posada Carriles had entered through the Florida coast illegally on board the
    Santrina, a presumed school-ship licensed in the United States.

    Not a single word is said of his countless victims, of the bombs he set off
    in tourist facilities in recent years, of his dozens of plans financed by
    the government of the United States to physically eliminate me.

    It was not enough for Bush to offend the name of Cuba by installing a
    horrible torture center similar to Abu Ghraib on the territory illegally
    occupied in Guantánamo, horrifying the world with this procedure. The cruel
    actions of his predecessors seemed not enough for him. It was not enough to
    force a poor and underdeveloped country like Cuba to spend 100 billion
    dollars. To accuse Posada Carriles was tantamount to accusing himself.

    Throughout almost half a century, everything was fair game against our small
    island lying 90 miles away from its coast, wanting to be independent.
    Florida saw the installation of the largest station for intelligence and
    subversion that ever existed on this planet.

    It was not enough to send a mercenary invasion on the Bay of Pigs, costing
    us 176 dead and more than 300 wounded at a time when the few medical
    specialists they left us had no experience treating war wounds.

    Earlier still, the French ship La Coubre carrying Belgian weapons and
    grenades for Cuba had exploded on the docks of Havana Harbor. The two well
    synchronized explosions caused the deaths of more than 100 workers and
    wounded others as many of them tool part in the rescue attempts.

    It was not enough to have the Missile Crisis of 1962, which brought the
    world to the brink of an all-consuming thermonuclear war, at a time when
    there were bombs 50 times more powerful than the ones dropped on Hiroshima
    and Nagasaki.

    It was not enough to introduce in our country viruses, bacteria and fungi to
    attack plantations and flocks; and incredible as it may seem, to attack
    human beings. Some of these pathogens came out of American laboratories and
    were brought to Cuba by well-known terrorists in the service of the United
    States government.

    Add to all this the enormous injustice of keeping five heroic patriots
    imprisoned for supplying information about terrorist activities; they were
    condemned in a fraudulent manner to sentences that include two life
    sentences and they stoically withstand cruel mistreatment, each of them in a
    different prison.

    Time and again the Cuban people have fearlessly faced the threat of death.
    They have demonstrated that with intelligence, using appropriate tactics and
    strategies, and especially preserving unity around their political and
    social vanguard, there can be no force on this earth capable of defeating
    them.

    I think that the coming May Day celebration would be the ideal day for our
    people, --using the minimum of fuel and transportation-- to show their
    feelings to the workers and the poor of the world.

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    2) Now the South Erupts
    Inter Press Service
    Ali al-Fadhily*
    http://www.dahrjamailiraq.com/hard_news/archives/iraq/000564.php#more

    BASRA, Apr 11 (IPS) - The eruption of demonstrations in the
    south of Iraq this week could rob the occupation forces of
    what was considered a critical bastion of support.

    The southern areas of Iraq have long been said to be secure,
    and people there peaceful towards the occupation forces. Iraqis
    living in the south were also believed to be cooperative with
    the occupation to the extent that they supported administrative
    steps taken by successive Iraqi governments.

    The majority of the population of the south are Shia Muslims,
    and Iraq has had Shia- dominated governments under the occupation.

    But demonstrations against the occupation and the United States
    by hundreds of thousands of angry Shias in Najaf, Kut and other
    cities across the south Apr. 9 mark a sharp break from a policy
    of cooperation. Protesters demanded an end to the U.S.-led
    occupation, burnt U.S. flags and chanted "Death to America!"

    Brig. Gen. Abdul Karim al-Mayahi, a police commander in Najaf,
    told reporters that at least half a million people joined the
    demonstration there.

    Lt. Col. Christopher Garver, a U.S. military spokesman in Baghdad,
    told reporters, "We say that we're here to support democracy.
    We say that free speech and freedom of assembly are part of that.
    While we don't necessarily agree with the message, we agree with
    their right to say it."

    Clashes after the demonstration left at least one U.S. soldier
    dead and another wounded in Diwaniyah, 180 km south of Baghdad.

    "We have been patient and we have sacrificed a lot thinking the
    situation would be better one day soon," Hussein Ali, a teacher
    from Diwaniyah told IPS. "The result we see now is that we were
    dragged into a swamp of hatred between brothers, and that all
    the bloodshed was for the sake of war leaders to get more power
    and fortune."

    Fighting is continuing in Diwaniyah between the occupation
    forces and the Mehdi Army led by Shia cleric Muqtada al-Sadr.
    Additional U.S. and Iraqi troops have been brought into the city
    to make arrests and carry out door-to-door raids in search
    of illegal weapons and wanted militiamen.

    Muqtada al-Sadr, quiet for a considerable period after clashing
    with U.S. troops early on in the occupation period, publicly
    called on his militia to attack occupation troops.

    So far this month, five occupation troops have been killed
    every day on average, according to U.S. Department
    of Defence figures.

    The new Shia armed uprising, which appears to be in its early
    days, is a further blow to occupation forces that are already
    stretched thin.

    "Four years of patience and what do we get?" Ali Hashim,
    a merchant from the southern city Basra told IPS. "We got
    nothing but the loss of our country to those who spoke a lot
    but did nothing. The United States failed us and sold us cheap
    to those who would have no mercy on us."

    Mahmood al-Lamy, a historian from Basra told IPS the situation
    there was critical.

    "Basra is the biggest southern city and the only Iraqi city
    that has a port near the Gulf. It is now controlled by various
    militias who fight each other from time to time over an oil
    smuggling business that is flourishing under the occupation."

    Lamy said residents fear that "the situation here will be
    a lot worse in the coming months due to disputes that are
    appearing between major parties."

    Lamy was referring to the withdrawal last month of the al-Fadhila
    Party from the Shia Islamic Coalition Parliament Group, and the
    dismissal of two ministers from the al-Sadr movement as
    a punishment for contacting U.S. officials in Nasiriyah
    in southern Iraq.

    The Shia political group is increasingly divided over many
    issues, and it seems unlikely that it will hold together.
    But many of the groups are increasingly opposed to the
    occupation.

    "We were late to realise that we were wrong about U.S.
    intentions," Salman Yassen of the Basra city municipality
    council told IPS. "We waited four years while U.S. and Iraqi
    authorities kept us busy fighting each other while they were
    setting the plan of stealing our oil and tearing our country
    apart so that their allies would feel safe."

    Four years of the occupation of Iraq have seen many changes
    in U.S. strategies, ambassadors and tactics, but the changes
    may be too little, too late.

    "The delay in moving politically has cost Iraq, the U.S.
    and many other countries a great deal," former Iraqi police
    colonel Ahmed Jabbar told IPS in Baghdad. "The least to be
    said is that the world would have been better off without
    this occupation and the catastrophic security disturbance
    it has caused."

    *(Ali, our correspondent in Baghdad, works in close collaboration
    with Dahr Jamail, our U.S.-based specialist writer on Iraq who
    travels extensively in the region)

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    3) Cuban Youth Searching for Their Inner Selves
    Juventud Rebelde reveals the finding of its Third National Survey of Youth
    2007-04-10 | 13:31:23 EST
    http://www.juventudrebelde.co.cu/cuba/2007-04-10/cuban-youth-searching-for-their-inner-selves-/

    The Cuban Center for Youth Studies (CESJ in Spanish) carried
    out an important investigation – not only learn about young
    people more deeply, but to encourage further studies.

    The Third National Survey of Youth was given to more than
    3,000 youngsters, ranging from 15 to 29 years of age, all
    living in urban areas in all the provinces of the island.
    The survey looked into conditions and influences, which
    included their socio-demographic characteristics, housing
    and economic conditions, education and employment situation,
    and leisure opportunities.

    Below, JR describes the youth interviewed and the
    survey findings.

    Looking Inside

    For French writer Honore de Balzac, marriage was
    “in the end, a passionate battle where spouses ask
    for God’s blessing because loving ‘until death do
    us part’ is the most frightful of tasks.” Maybe
    this is why our youth suffer gamophobia (the fear
    of marriage). Consequently, as the survey reveals,
    most of them are still singles.

    Another of the questions addressed is the sensitive
    problem of housing, a major challenge facing Cuban
    society as a whole, and which is also experienced
    by youth. More than the 50 percent of them live
    in houses with construction problems.

    Interviewees complained about space and structural
    conditions of their houses, considering them insufficient
    for their development. Housing issues, family dependence
    and a lack of privacy are their principal dilemmas.

    Still, it’s revealing that 72.3 percent have their
    own room or a minimally shared room. Overcrowding
    tends to be more frequent in substandard housing.

    The Pocket Economy

    Although the Cuban economy moved forward and overcame
    the harsh recession of the 1990s, people’s pockets
    didn’t seem to catch up that fast. The household budget
    of Cubans must still adjust to shortages.

    Most interviewees are economically dependent on
    other people. Most of them live in the eastern
    region of the island, are women and range between
    the ages of 15 and 29.

    The survey demonstrated that youth spend their incomes
    in the same way as the rest of the population: on food,
    clothes, shoes, and household expenses. Women and young
    adult share their income in accordance with other people’s
    needs or with those of the home.

    Seeking the Other Half

    Some youngsters read through the horoscope to learn
    of their fortune in affairs of the heart, or to look
    for secret aphrodisiacs or some other sort of aid to
    make them luckier in their pursuits. If you ask them
    about one of their main goals, with no hesitation they
    will answer: finding a partner. The same sentiments
    were expressed by the investigators, especially the
    women. They give top priority to this goal. Meanwhile
    youth over 25 vehemently defended the right to be single.

    Love and common likes are fundamental to a successful
    relationship, asserted the youth, with all agreeing
    that this was regardless of sex or age.

    Regarding the prior study (the Second National Survey
    of Youth), some of the youth’s priorities have shifted
    in importance. Having children, in particular, has
    dropped from the third to the seventh position —
    an alarming sign given the unbalanced aging of
    Cuban society.

    Issues of greatest interest for this cohort were
    those related to employment, leisure, personal
    problems and future plans.

    Employment on the Mind

    The study demonstrated that over the 36 percent
    of youth are students, while high school graduates
    are 50 percent of this population and university
    graduates 35.5 percent.

    The largest part of the younger generation are
    workers (37.7 percent). This group is made up mainly
    of manual laborers, technicians, and service workers
    — most of them working for the government.

    When the study was carried out, most unemployed youth
    spent their time doing house chores; the rest could
    be divided into two groups: those who didn’t work
    or study and those actively looking for employment.

    Just as in the second national survey, the state
    sector —along with the developing sector (tourism,
    joint ventures, and publicly-run corporations) —
    continue to be the most popular among youth.

    Interviewees say their choice of field of employment
    is closely related to the country’s economic situation,
    the search for better working conditions as well
    as the pay offered.

    Prejudices and Stereotypes

    Although hardly no teenagers and youth said they
    had experienced rejection or mistreatment, they
    highlighted certain prejudices and stereotypes that
    go against the principles of Cuba’s socialist system.

    A small number had experienced rejection within
    society, owing to difference of opinion, their
    economic situation, sex, or skin color.

    Racial stereotypes have promoted discriminatory
    behavior among adolescence and youth, especially
    within the family and among couples.

    The availability and use of free time was also
    underlined as a problem. The majority said to have
    little options for leisure. Likewise, there is a
    tendency to fulfill those needs using personal
    resources and not those provided by the government.

    The primary aspirations of adolescence and youth
    regarding family, studies, and employment go hand
    in hand with the principles of Cuban society. Their
    main aspirations are to find a partner, to strengthen
    their present relationship, to go to college and work
    in a field that allows them to satisfy their spiritual
    and material needs.

    Youth shift between reality and longings, between
    dilemmas and the dreams of solving them. Cuban youth,
    with its contradictions and challenges, is constructing
    the destiny of our country — leading the way to humanism,
    like the morning precedes the day.

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    4) Paying the Price
    By BOB HERBERT
    Op-Ed Columnist
    April 12, 2007
    http://select.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/opinion/12herbert.html?hp

    You knew something was up early in the day. As soon
    as I told executives at MSNBC that I was going to write
    about the “60 Minutes” piece, which was already in pretty
    wide circulation, they began acting very weird. We’ll
    get back to you, they said.

    In a “60 Minutes” interview with Don Imus broadcast
    in July 1998, Mike Wallace said of the “Imus in the
    Morning” program, “It’s dirty and sometimes racist.”

    Mr. Imus then said: “Give me an example. Give me one
    example of one racist incident.” To which Mr. Wallace
    replied, “You told Tom Anderson, the producer,
    in your car, coming home, that Bernard McGuirk
    is there to do nigger jokes.”

    Mr. Imus said, “Well, I’ve nev — I never
    use that word.”

    Mr. Wallace then turned to Mr. Anderson,
    his producer. “Tom,” he said.

    “I’m right here,” said Mr. Anderson.

    Mr. Imus then said to Mr. Anderson, “Did I use
    that word?”

    Mr. Anderson said, “I recall you using
    that word.”

    “Oh, O.K.,” said Mr. Imus. “Well, then I used
    that word. But I mean — of course, that was an
    off-the-record conversation. But ——”

    “The hell it was,” said Mr. Wallace.

    The transcript was pure poison. A source very close
    to Don Imus told me last night, “They did not want
    to wait for your piece to come out.”

    For MSNBC, Mr. Imus’s “nappy-headed ho’s” comment
    about the Rutgers women’s basketball team was bad
    enough. Putting the word “nigger” into the so-called
    I-man’s mouth was beyond the pale.

    The roof was caving in on Mr. Imus. More advertisers
    were pulling the plug. And Bruce Gordon, a member
    of the CBS Corp. board of directors and former head
    of the N.A.A.C.P., said publicly that Mr. Imus
    should be fired.

    But some of the most telling and persuasive criticism
    came from an unlikely source — internally at the
    network that televised Mr. Imus’s program. Women,
    especially, were angry and upset. Powerful statements
    were made during in-house meetings by women at NBC
    and MSNBC — about how black women are devalued in
    this country, how they are demeaned by white men
    and black men.

    White and black women spoke emotionally about the
    way black women are frequently trashed in the popular
    culture, especially in music, and about the way
    news outlets give far more attention to stories
    about white women in trouble.

    Phil Griffin, a senior vice president at NBC News
    who oversaw the Imus show for MSNBC, told me yesterday,
    “It touched a huge nerve.”

    Whether or not Mr. McGuirk was hired for the specific
    noxious purpose referred to in the “60 Minutes”
    interview, he has pretty much lived up to that job
    description. He’s a minstrel, a white man who has
    gleefully led the Imus pack into some of the most
    disgusting, degrading attempts at racial (not to
    mention sexist) humor that it’s possible to imagine.

    Blacks were jigaboos, Sambos and Brilloheads. Women
    were bitches and, above all else, an endless variety
    of ever-ready sexual vessels, born to be degraded.

    The question now is how long the “Imus in the Morning”
    radio show will last. Just last month, in a reference
    to a speech by Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton in Selma,
    Ala., Mr. McGuirk called Mrs. Clinton a bitch and
    predicted she would “have cornrows and gold teeth”
    by the time her presidential primary campaign against
    Senator Barack Obama is over.

    Way back in 1994, a friend of mine, the late Lars-Erik
    Nelson, a terrific reporter and columnist at The Daily
    News and Newsday, mentioned an Imus segment that offered
    a “satirical” rap song that gave advice to President
    Clinton on what to do about Paula Jones: “Pimp-slap the
    ho.” Mr. Nelson also wrote that there was a song on the
    program dealing with Hillary Clinton’s menstrual cycle.

    So this hateful garbage has been going on for a long,
    long time. There was nothing new about the tone or the
    intent of Mr. Imus’s “nappy-headed ho’s” comment.
    As Bryan Monroe, president of the National Association
    of Black Journalists, told me the other night, “It’s
    a long pattern of behavior, and at some point somebody
    has to say enough is enough.”

    The crucial issue goes well beyond Don Imus’s pathetically
    infantile behavior. The real question is whether this
    controversy is loud enough to shock Americans at long
    last into the realization of just how profoundly racist
    and sexist the culture is.

    It appears that on this issue the general public, and
    the women at Mr. Imus’s former network, are far ahead
    of the establishment figures, the politicians and the
    media biggies, who were always so anxious to appear
    on the show and to defend Mr. Imus.

    That is a very good sign.

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    5) Four Years Later in Iraq
    Editorial
    April 12, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/opinion/12thu1.html?_r=1&hp&oref=slogin

    Four years ago this week, as American troops made their
    first, triumphant entrance into Baghdad, joyous Iraqis
    pulled down a giant statue of Saddam Hussein. It was
    powerful symbolism — a murderous dictator toppled, Baghdad
    is taking to the streets without fear, American soldiers
    hailed as liberators.

    After four years of occupation, untold numbers killed
    by death squads and suicide bombers, and searing experiences
    like Abu Ghraib, few Iraqis still look on American soldiers
    as liberators. Instead, thousands marked this week’s
    anniversary by burning American flags and marching
    through the streets of Najaf chanting, “Death to America.”

    Once again, tens of thousands of American troops are pouring
    into Baghdad. Yesterday the Pentagon announced that battle-
    weary Army units in Iraq would have to stay on for an
    additional three months past their scheduled return dates.

    Mr. Bush is desperately gambling that by stretching the
    Army to the absolute limits of its deployable strength,
    he may be able to impose some relative calm in the capital.
    And he seems to imagine that should that gamble succeed,
    the Shiite-dominated government of Prime Minister Nuri
    Kamal al-Maliki will, without any serious pressure from
    Washington, take the steps toward sharing political power
    and economic resources it has tenaciously resisted since
    the day it took office a year ago.

    Unless Mr. Maliki takes those steps — eliminating militia
    and death squad members from the Iraqi Army and police,
    fairly sharing oil revenues, and rolling back laws that
    deny political and economic opportunities to the Sunni
    middle class — no lasting security gains are possible.
    More Iraqi and American lives will be sacrificed.

    Even among Shiites, who suffered so much at the hands
    of Saddam Hussein and who are the supposed beneficiaries
    of Mr. Maliki’s shortsighted policies, there is a deep
    disillusionment and anger. This week, a Washington Post
    reporter interviewed Khadim al-Jubouri, who four years
    ago swung his sledgehammer to help knock down the
    dictator’s statue. Mr. Jubouri said that ever since
    he watched that statue being built he had nourished
    a dream of bringing it down and ushering in much
    better times.

    Now, with friends and relatives killed, kidnapped
    or driven from their homes, the prices of basic
    necessities soaring and electricity rationed to
    four hours a day, Mr. Jubouri says the change of
    regimes “achieved nothing” and he has come to hate
    the American military presence he once welcomed.

    Mr. Maliki’s supporters can be even more frightening
    to listen to. This week’s demonstration in Najaf
    was organized by the fiercely anti-American Shiite
    cleric Moktada al-Sadr, whose political party and
    militia helped put Mr. Maliki in power and are
    still among his most important allies.

    Two months into the Baghdad security drive, the gains
    Mr. Bush is banking on have not materialized. More
    American soldiers continue to arrive, and their
    commanders are talking about extending the troop
    buildup through the fall or into early next year.
    After four years, the political trend is even more
    discouraging.

    There is no possible triumph in Iraq and very
    little hope left.

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    6) Civilian Claims on U.S. Suggest the Toll of War
    By PAUL von ZIELBAUER
    April 12, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/world/middleeast/12abuse.html?hp

    In February 2006, nervous American soldiers in Tikrit killed
    an Iraqi fisherman on the Tigris River after he leaned over
    to switch off his engine. A year earlier, a civilian filling
    his car and an Iraqi Army officer directing traffic were shot
    by American soldiers in a passing convoy in Balad, for no
    apparent reason.

    The incidents are among many thousands of claims submitted
    to the Army by Iraqi and Afghan civilians seeking payment
    for noncombat killings, injuries or property damage American
    forces inflicted on them or their relatives.

    The claims provide a rare window into the daily chaos and
    violence faced by civilians and troops in the two war
    zones. Recently, the Army disclosed roughly 500 claims
    to the American Civil Liberties Union in response to
    a Freedom of Information Act request. They are the
    first to be made public.

    They represent only a small fraction of the claims filed.
    In all, the military has paid more than $32 million to
    Iraqi and Afghan civilians for noncombat-related killings,
    injuries and property damage, an Army spokeswoman said.
    That figure does not include condolence payments made
    at a unit commander’s discretion.

    The paperwork, examined by The New York Times, provides
    unusually detailed accounts of how bystanders to the
    conflicts have become targets of American forces grappling
    to identify who is friend, who is foe.

    In the case of the fisherman in Tikrit, he and his
    companion desperately tried to appear unthreatening
    to an American helicopter overhead.

    “They held up the fish in the air and shouted ‘Fish!
    Fish!’ to show they meant no harm,” said the Army report
    attached to the claim filed by the fisherman’s family.
    The Army refused to compensate for the killing, ruling
    that it was “combat activity,” but approved $3,500 for
    his boat, net and cellphone, which drifted away and
    were stolen.

    In the killings at the gas station in Balad, documents
    show that the Army determined that the neither of the
    dead Iraqis had done anything hostile or criminal, and
    approved $5,000 to the civilian’s brother but nothing
    for the Iraqi officer.

    In another incident, in 2005, an American soldier in
    a dangerous Sunni Arab area south of Baghdad killed
    a boy after mistaking his book bag for a bomb satchel.
    The Army paid the boy’s uncle $500.

    The Foreign Claims Act, which governs such compensation,
    does not deal with combat-related cases. For those cases,
    including the boy’s, the Army may offer a condolence
    payment as a gesture of regret with no admission of fault,
    of usually no higher than $2,500 per person killed.

    The total number of claims filed, or paid, is unclear,
    although extensive data has been provided in reports
    to Congress. There is no way to know immediately whether
    disciplinary action or prosecution has resulted from
    the cases.

    Soldiers hand out instruction cards after mistakes are
    made, so Iraqis know where to file claims. “The Army
    does not target civilians,” said Maj. Anne D. Edgecomb,
    an Army spokeswoman. “Sadly, however, the enemy’s tactics
    in Iraq and Afghanistan unnecessarily endanger innocent
    civilians.”

    There are no specific guidelines to tell Army field
    officers judging the claims how to evaluate the cash
    value of a life taken, Major Edgecomb said. She said
    officers “consider the contributions the deceased made
    to those left behind and offer an award based on the facts,
    local tribal customs, and local law.”

    In Haditha, one of the most notorious incidents involving
    American troops in Iraq, the Marines paid residents
    $38,000 after troops killed two dozen people
    in November 2005.

    The relatively small number of claims divulged by the
    Army show patterns of misunderstanding at checkpoints
    and around American military convoys that often result
    in inadvertent killings. In one incident, in Feb. 18,
    2006, a taxi approached a checkpoint east of Baquba
    that was not properly marked with signs to slow down,
    one Army claim evaluation said. Soldiers fired on the
    taxi, killing a woman and severely wounding her daughter
    and son. The Army approved an unusually large condolence
    payment of $7,500.

    In September 2005, soldiers killed a man and his sister
    by firing 200 rounds into their car as it approached
    a checkpoint, apparently too quickly, near Mussayib.
    The Army lieutenant colonel who handled the claim
    awarded relatives a $10,000 compensation payment,
    finding that the soldiers had overstepped the rules
    of engagement.

    “There are some very tragic losses of civilian life,
    including losses of whole families,” said Anthony D.
    Romero, the A.C.L.U.’s executive director, in an interview.
    He said the claims showed “enormous confusion on all sides,
    both from the civilian population on how to interact with
    the armed services and also among the soldiers themselves.”

    Of the 500 cases released, 204, or about 40 percent, were
    apparently rejected because the injury, death or property
    damage was deemed to have been “directly or indirectly”
    related to combat. Of the claims approved for payment,
    at least 87 were not combat-related, and 77 were condolence
    payments for incidents the Army judged to be combat-related.

    About 10 percent of the claims were rejected because the
    Army could not find a “significant activity” report
    confirming an incident.

    A summary of the cases is online at
    www.aclu.org/civiliancasualties.

    In Iraq, rules for evaluating claims have changed.
    Before President Bush declared major combat operations
    over, in May 2003, commanders considered most checkpoint
    shootings to be combat-related. Lt. Gen. Peter W. Chiarelli,
    the former commander of day-to-day operations in Iraq,
    stiffened rules at checkpoints. In late 2003, as more
    Iraqis were accidentally injured or killed, the Army
    began offering condolence payments. It has not always
    worked as planned, said Sarah Holewinski, the executive
    director of the Campaign for Innocent Victims in Conflict,
    a nonprofit group in Washington.

    “Sometimes families would get paid and sometimes their
    neighbors wouldn’t,” she said. “It caused a lot of
    resentments among the Iraqis, which is ironic because
    it was a program specifically meant to foster good will.”

    The Army usually assigns a captain, major or lieutenant
    colonel to accept claims in Iraq and Afghanistan and
    decide on payment.

    But in and near combat zones in Iraq, a claim’s merit
    is quickly judged by an officer juggling dozens of new
    claims each week, said Jon E. Tracy, a former Army captain
    and lawyer who adjudicated Iraqi civilian claims in the
    Baghdad area from May 2003 through July 2004.

    “I know plenty of lawyers who did not pay any condolences
    payments at all,” said Mr. Tracy, who is now a legal
    consultant for the Campaign for Innocent Victims in
    Conflict. “There was no reason for it. It was clearly
    not combat, and the victim was clearly innocent, all
    the facts are there, witness statements, but they
    wouldn’t pay them.”

    Half of the claims he adjudicated were property damage
    claims from collisions with military vehicles, he said.
    Most fraudulent claims were property claims; few were
    for wrongful killings. “You just had to read people,”
    he said.

    About a quarter of claims were for personal injury
    or deaths. In his year judging claims, Mr. Tracy said
    he paid 52 condolence payments, most for deaths. “I had
    three to four times more,” Mr. Tracy said, “I just didn’t
    have enough money.”

    Andrew W. Lehren contributed reporting from New York,
    and Edward Wong from Baghdad.

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    7) U.S. Suspects That Iran Aids Both Sunni and Shiite Militias
    By ALISSA J. RUBIN
    April 12, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/world/middleeast/12iraq.html?ref=world

    BAGHDAD, April 11 — Arms that American military officials
    say appear to have been manufactured in Iran as recently
    as last year have turned up in the past week in a Sunni-
    majority area, the chief spokesman for the American
    military command in Iraq said Wednesday in a news
    conference.

    The spokesman, Maj. Gen. William B. Caldwell IV, said
    that detainees in American custody had indicated that
    Iranian intelligence operatives had given support to
    Sunni insurgents and that surrogates for the Iranian
    intelligence service were training Shiite extremists
    in Iran. He gave no further description of the detainees
    and did not say why they would have that information.

    “We have in fact found some cases recently where Iranian
    intelligence sources have provided to Sunni insurgent
    groups some support,” said General Caldwell, who sat
    near a table crowded with weapons that he said the
    military contended were largely of Iranian manufacture.

    The weapons were found in a mostly Sunni neighborhood
    in Baghdad, he said, a rare instance of the American
    military suggesting any link between Iran and the Sunni
    insurgency. It has recently suggested a link with
    Shiite militants in Iraq.

    The accusation of a link between the Iranian intelligence
    service and Sunni Arab insurgents is new. The American
    military has contended in the past that elements in Iran
    have given Shiite militants powerful Iranian-made roadside
    bombs known as explosively formed penetrators, and training
    in their use.

    Critics have cast doubt on the American military statements
    about those bombs, saying the evidence linking them to
    Iran was circumstantial and inferential.

    The weapons displayed on Wednesday were more conventional,
    and officials pointed to markings on them that they said
    indicated Iranian manufacture.

    The display came as the military released figures showing
    that 26 percent fewer civilians were killed and wounded
    in Baghdad from Jan. 1 through March 31 than during the
    previous quarter, as the new American effort to secure
    Baghdad got under way, but that nationwide civilian
    casualties had risen.

    From February to March the number of dead and wounded
    nationwide, including civilians and members of Iraqi
    and American security forces, rose 10 percent, according
    to the military report.

    “What does that mean?” General Caldwell said. “It means
    we still have a lot of work to do.”

    The military announced that one soldier died on the
    eastern side of Baghdad from a roadside bomb early
    Wednesday and that another soldier died in southern
    Baghdad on Tuesday.

    In his statement, General Caldwell renewed American
    contentions that Iran was not doing enough to stop
    weapons from being moved into Iraq from outside.

    It is unclear from the military’s comments on Wednesday
    whether it is possible to draw conclusions about how
    the weapons that the military contends are of Iranian
    origin might have made their way into a predominantly
    Sunni area or why Shiite Iran would arm Sunni militants.

    There are several possibilities, military officials
    who were not authorized to speak publicly for attribution
    said privately. One is that they came through Syria,
    long a transit route for Iranian-made weapons being
    funneled to the Lebanese Shiite militia Hezbollah.
    Another possibility is that arms dealers are selling
    to every side in the conflict.

    The weapons on the table next to General Caldwell were
    found two days ago, the general said, after a resident
    of the predominantly Sunni Arab neighborhood called
    Jihad, in western Baghdad, informed the local Joint
    Security Station run by Iraqi and American soldiers
    that there were illegal arms in the area.

    The soldiers found a black Mercedes sedan and on its
    back seat, in plain view, a rocket of a type commonly
    made in China but repainted and labeled and sold by
    Iran, said Maj. Marty Weber, a master ordnance
    technician who joined General Caldwell at the
    briefing. In the trunk were mortar rounds marked
    “made in 2006.”

    In a nearby house and buried in the yard, the soldiers
    found more mortar rounds, 1,000 to 2,000 rounds of
    bullets, five hand grenades and a couple of Bulgarian-
    made rocket-propelled grenades, Major Weber said.

    The weapons that the military officials said were
    of Iranian origin were labeled in English, which
    Major Weber said was typical of arms manufactured
    for international sale. He added that the military
    knew that they were of Iranian origin by “the
    structure of the rounds, the geometry of the
    tailfins and, again, the stenciling on the warheads.”

    He also said the mortar rounds marked 81 millimeters
    on the table were made regionally only by Iran.

    In the political arena, the members of Parliament
    allied with the militant Shiite cleric Moktada al-Sadr
    announced that they would leave the government unless
    Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki set a fixed
    timetable for the withdrawal of American troops
    from Iraq. Mr. Maliki rejected the idea this week.

    The capital was largely quiet on Wednesday, but 16
    bodies were found around the city and a director
    general of the city’s electricity ministry was
    assassinated, an Interior Ministry official said.
    The center of the city, where fighting raged on Tuesday,
    remained extremely tense.

    The United States military raised the death toll
    from Tuesday’s estimate to 14 insurgents in Fadhil
    killed, 8 detained and 12 wounded.

    Sheik Jasim Yehiya Jasim, the imam of Al Joba mosque,
    whose brother was killed by the Iraqi Army, said he
    was devastated and confused about why his brother had
    been singled out and killed. “He was born only in 1982,”
    Sheik Jasim said. “He did the call to prayer. I thank
    the Iraqi and American governments in the name of the
    people of Fadhil for this bloody democracy.”

    Khalid al-Ansary contributed reporting.

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    8) About Creation, Pope Melds Faith With Science
    By IAN FISHER
    April 12, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/world/europe/12pope.html

    ROME, April 11 — Science cannot fully explain the mystery
    of creation, Pope Benedict XVI said in comments about
    evolution that were published in a book on Wednesday.
    At the same time, he did not reject evolutionary theory
    or endorse any alternative for the origins of life.

    “I would not depend on faith alone to explain the whole
    picture,” Benedict, a former theology professor, told
    his former students in September at a private seminar
    outside Rome on evolution, according to an account
    of the book from Reuters.

    As pope, Benedict has not publicly defined his position,
    amid angry debates in the United States over “intelligent
    design” and questions raised two years ago by a leading
    cardinal on whether evolution was compatible with
    Catholicism.

    But his comments at the seminar, published in German
    by students who were present, seemed largely to avoid
    any such debate: Rather, they seemed consistent with
    his often-stated views on other subjects — that science
    and reason, however valuable, should not rule out God.

    The debate over evolution, he said, concerned “the great
    fundamental questions of philosophy: where man and the
    world came from and where they are going.”

    The book, called “Creation and Evolution,” was not
    publicly available on Wednesday, and Reuters did not
    say how it had obtained a copy.

    Apart from the pope’s comments, the book includes
    essays from Cardinal Christoph Schönborn, a former
    student of the pope who set off much debate in 2005
    after seeming to raise doubts about evolution.

    As Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, before he became pope
    two years ago, Benedict had expressed concern that
    on several fronts, including evolution, science was
    overstepping its competence, denying the existence
    of God and becoming its own system of belief. Though
    he did not reject evolution, he noted in the remarks
    quoted from the book that science could not completely
    prove evolution because it could not be duplicated
    in the laboratory.

    But, Reuters reported, he also defended what is known
    as theistic evolution, the idea that God could use
    evolutionary processes to create life, if not through
    the direct engineering suggested by “intelligent design,”
    which posits that life is so complex that it requires
    an active creator.

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    9) Life in Iraq Worsening, Red Cross Says
    By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
    April 12, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/world/middleeast/12redcross.html

    GENEVA, April 11 — The situation for civilians in Iraq is
    “ever worsening,” though security in some places has improved
    because of stepped-up efforts by the American-led multinational
    forces, the International Red Cross said Wednesday.

    Thousands of bodies lie unclaimed in mortuaries, with
    relatives either unaware that they are there or afraid
    to recover them, said Pierre Kraehenbuehl, director
    of operations for the International Committee of the
    Red Cross. Medical professionals have been fleeing the
    country after the killings and abductions of colleagues,
    the group said.

    “Whatever operation that is today under way, and that
    may be taken tomorrow and in the weeks after,
    to improve the security of civilians on the ground
    may have an effect in the medium term,”
    Mr. Kraehenbuehl said.

    “We’re certainly not seeing an immediate effect
    in terms of stabilization for civilians currently.
    That is not our reading.”

    Referring to southern Iraq, he said, “It is clear that
    the security situation has improved in certain instances.”
    But the central region, including Baghdad, remains greatly
    troubled, despite new security efforts, he added.

    The Red Cross has reduced operations in Iraq since
    attacks on its staff and Baghdad headquarters in 2003.
    It relies on an affiliate for much of its information.

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    10) 4 Years On, the Gap Between Iraq Policy
    and Practice Is Wide
    By DAVID E. SANGER
    April 12, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/world/middleeast/12policy.html

    WASHINGTON, April 11 — Four years after the fall of Baghdad,
    the White House is once again struggling to solve an old
    problem: Who is in charge of carrying out policy in Iraq?

    Once again President Bush and his top aides are searching
    for a high-level coordinator capable of cutting through
    military, political and reconstruction strategies that
    have never operated in sync, in Washington or in Baghdad.

    Once again Mr. Bush is publicly declaring that his
    administration has settled on a strategy for victory —
    this time, a troop increase that is supposed to open
    political space for Sunnis and Shiites to live and
    govern together — even while his top aides acknowledge
    that the White House has never gotten the execution right.

    “We’re trying to learn from our experience,” Stephen
    J. Hadley, the national security adviser, said in an
    interview on Wednesday. Confirming a report that first
    appeared in The Washington Post, Mr. Hadley said he
    had been sounding out retired military commanders
    to assess their interest in a job where they would
    report directly to President Bush.

    “One of the things that we’ve heard from Republicans
    and Democrats is that we need to go a step further
    in Washington and have a single point of focus,
    someone who can work 24/7 on the Washington end
    of executing the strategy we’ve put in place for
    the next 22 months,” to the end of Mr. Bush’s term.

    Mr. Hadley came to his job in the beginning of 2005,
    after four years as deputy national security adviser,
    and said from the outset that the Achilles’ heel
    of the administration had been its failure to execute
    its policies.

    Now, Mr. Hadley said, he had decided that “while we’ve
    had plans and due dates and stoplight charts, what we
    need is someone with a lot of stature within the
    government who can make things happen.” That official,
    Mr. Hadley said, would deal daily with the new American
    ambassador in Iraq, Ryan C. Crocker, and the new commander,
    Gen. David H. Petraeus, and then “call any cabinet
    secretary and get problems resolved, fast.”

    Mr. Hadley says he has not yet brought top candidates
    into the White House for formal interviews. But what
    he is seeking is someone willing to take on, at the
    end of a war-weary administration, one of the most
    thankless jobs in Washington: overseeing policy in
    Iraq and Afghanistan, where the administration has
    discovered that changing regimes was a lot easier
    than changing habits.

    It is telling that Mr. Hadley and Mr. Bush are still
    wrestling with this problem. Four years ago, both had
    hoped and expected that by 2007, Iraq would essentially
    be a cleanup operation, involving a comparatively small
    American force. Instead, the current force of 145,000
    is building to 160,000.

    For both men, deciding who in Washington should take
    the reins on Iraq strategy is hardly a new task.

    It was in August 2003, five months after the American
    invasion, that Mr. Bush ordered the formation of an
    Iraq Stabilization Group to run things from the White
    House. That action reflected the first recognition
    by the White House that Donald H. Rumsfeld’s Pentagon
    was more interested in deposing dictators than
    nation-building.

    When that group was formed, Mr. Rumsfeld snapped that
    it was about time that the National Security Council
    performed its traditional job — unifying the actions
    of a government whose agencies often spent much
    of their day battling one another. That approach
    worked, for a while.

    But then the insurgency in Iraq grew formidable,
    reconstruction efforts were slowed, the State and
    Defense Departments reverted to bureaucratic spats,
    and the White House never managed to get its arms
    around the scope of the problem, in Baghdad or in
    Washington.

    That was evident earlier this year when Secretary
    of State Condoleezza Rice and the new defense
    secretary, Robert M. Gates, openly clashed on the
    question of who would provide the personnel for
    new Provincial Reconstruction Teams that were
    charged with trying, once again, to rebuild Iraq.

    But that was only a small part of the problem: When
    the Iraq Study Group turned out its recommendations
    in December for revamping strategy, it cited “a lack
    of coordination by senior management in Washington,”
    declaring that “focus, priority setting, and skillful
    implementation are in short supply.”

    Mr. Hadley’s initiative won support on Wednesday from
    Mr. Gates, who has spent much of the past four months
    demonstrating that he is the anti-Rumsfeld.

    At a news conference, Mr. Gates offered a public
    endorsement for the idea of empowering someone at
    the White House to better carry out the president’s
    priorities. “This person is not ‘running the war,’ ”
    Mr. Gates said. “This ‘czar’ term is, I think,
    kind of silly.”

    Instead, he said, “this is what Steve Hadley would
    do if Steve Hadley had the time, but he doesn’t have
    the time to do it full time.”

    Part of the new job is to make sure, in Mr. Gates’s
    words, that when Ambassador Crocker or General Petraeus
    “have requested something from the government and not
    gotten it, or it’s moving too slowly through the
    bureaucracy, that there is somebody empowered by the
    president to call a cabinet secretary and say, ‘The
    president would like to know why you haven’t delivered
    what’s been asked for yet.’ ”

    As David J. Rothkopf, who wrote a history of the
    National Security Council titled “Running the World”
    (Public Affairs, 2005), noted Wednesday, “It’s been
    a difficult thing for the N.S.C. to do because it is
    an almost impossible task.”

    “This is a problem of Sunnis and Shiites, and it is
    not about Republicans and Democrats or the rank of
    officials or bureaucratic rivalry,” he said. “The
    Sunnis started fighting the Shiites a thousand years
    before we got to Plymouth Rock, and it’s hard to create
    a new special implementer to deal with that.”

    But by this point in the Bush administration, officials
    say, their only hope is to take the surge and run with
    it. So when Meghan L. O’Sullivan, a deputy national
    security adviser for Iraq and Afghanistan, told Mr.
    Hadley a few months ago that she was ready to leave,
    the White House seized the moment to open a post nearly
    equivalent in power to Mr. Hadley’s own job.

    For a White House that invaded Iraq with hopes that
    it would become a model for the Middle East, this seems
    to be another step away from ideological missions and
    toward the nuts and bolts of rescuing its troubled
    nation-building experiment.

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    11) Panel on Walter Reed Woes Issues Strong Rebuke
    By SCOTT SHANE
    April 12, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/washington/12medical.html?ref=us

    WASHINGTON, April 11 — An independent panel assessing
    dilapidated facilities and red tape for wounded Iraq
    war veterans at Walter Reed Army Medical Center on
    Wednesday issued a sweeping indictment of leadership
    failures, inadequate training and staffing shortages.

    The panel, headed by two former secretaries of the Army,
    Togo D. West Jr. and John O. Marsh Jr., found that a high
    standard of care for troops when they were first evacuated
    from war zones and hospitalized fell apart when they became
    outpatients, with a “breakdown in health services” and
    “compassion fatigue” on the part of overworked staff
    members.

    “Leadership at Walter Reed should have been aware
    of poor living conditions and administrative hurdles
    and failed to place proper priority on solutions,”
    the panel said in a summary of its draft report
    released at a meeting at Walter Reed.

    The report called the current system for assessing
    soldiers’ disabilities “extremely cumbersome,
    inconsistent, and confusing,” saying it must be
    “completely overhauled.” It called for the creation
    of a “center of excellence” on treatment, training
    and research on two conditions suffered by thousands
    of troops in Iraq: traumatic brain injury and post-
    traumatic stress disorder.

    The panel, called the Independent Review Group,
    was appointed by Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates
    in February after The Washington Post reported on
    the problems at Walter Reed, the Army’s century-old
    medical center in Washington. A presidential commission
    and a Department of Veterans Affairs task force are
    also assessing the troubles.

    The conditions at Walter Reed, including moldy, rat-
    infested quarters and a bureaucratic maze that left
    severely injured soldiers in limbo for months, have
    become a symbol of the government’s broader failure
    to help troops injured in Iraq and Afghanistan. President
    Bush visited patients at the facility March 30 and said,
    “I apologize for what they went through, and we’re going
    to fix the problem.”

    A spokeswoman for Mr. Gates, Cynthia O. Smith, said
    Wednesday that he “welcomes the findings and believes
    our wounded warriors deserve the best treatment possible
    both as inpatients and outpatients.”

    The initial reports in February led to a shake-up of Army
    leadership. Army Secretary Francis J. Harvey fired Walter
    Reed’s commander, Maj. Gen. George Weightman, and replaced
    him with Lt. Gen. Kevin Kiley, the Army surgeon general.

    But critics said General Kiley had been told about the
    problems and failed to act. Mr. Gates then publicly
    criticized the Army’s response as inadequate, and both
    Mr. Harvey and General Kiley stepped down.

    Since then, the Army has moved aggressively to make
    improvements at Walter Reed. Patients have been moved
    out of the most squalid building. Some 28 new case
    managers have been added to help wounded soldiers
    navigate the medical system. A telephone hot line
    has been opened and information handbooks have been
    distributed to families of wounded service members.

    In remarks at Wednesday’s meeting, Mr. West, a former
    military lawyer who served as both secretary of the
    Army and secretary of veterans affairs under President
    Bill Clinton, strongly criticized the tortuous bureaucracy
    that assesses soldiers’ disabilities.

    “The horrors inflicted on our wounded service members
    and their families in the name of the physical disability
    review process simply must be stopped,” Mr. West said.

    He said the Army’s system currently requires four
    proceedings before an official board, causing delays
    and excessive paperwork and producing “inexplicable
    differences in standards and results.”

    “We can and must do better,” he said.

    Mr. West also said the panel concluded there was
    inadequate understanding of how to diagnose and treat
    the brain injuries that have become a signature
    of the Iraq war, where thousands of troops have
    been wounded by improvised explosive devices,
    and the mental effects of long exposure to the
    constant threat of attack.

    “We believe there is a need for greater and better
    coordinated research in this area,” he said.

    Under legislation introduced Wednesday by Senators
    Evan Bayh of Indiana and Hillary Rodham Clinton
    of New York, both Democrats, troops suffering from
    traumatic brain injuries would be kept on active
    duty, rather than being retired, so they would
    receive more medical attention.

    Steve Robinson, a longtime veterans’ advocate with
    Veterans for America, said he welcomed the findings
    of the review panel. But he said the panel should
    address the problems of discharged soldiers who
    were not getting V.A. benefits they needed.

    “What are we going to do about the thousands of
    people who have unjustifiably lost their V.A. benefits
    forever?” Mr. Robinson said. “It’s not enough just
    to fix the problems starting from the point that
    President Bush went to Walter Reed.”

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    12) As His Time Grows Short, a Dog Seeks a Reprieve
    By PAUL VITELLO
    April 12, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/nyregion/12dog.html

    BAY SHORE, N.Y., April 11 — In legal papers filed on
    Wednesday in the Appellate Division of State Supreme
    Court, the conflicting portraits of the prisoner seem
    to describe two different individuals.

    He is a vicious predator with a history of assault.
    Or, he is the kind who would not even show his teeth
    if you pulled his ears.

    After three and a half years on doggie death row,
    Duke, a 5-year-old American pit bull terrier, is the
    subject of an unusual, last-ditch appeal of a judge’s
    “order of destruction” over his attacks on a neighbor
    dog twice in two months in 2003. His lawyer contends
    that Duke was wrongly convicted and harshly sentenced,
    based on a law that took effect on Jan. 1, 2004, two
    weeks after the attack, making dog-on-dog attacks
    subject to serious punishment. Before that, only
    dogs attacking humans were punished severely.

    “We are running out of options,” said the lawyer,
    Amy Chaitoff. “And it would be a terrible injustice.”

    Duke’s case has drawn considerable attention on Long
    Island. Dog rescue organizations staged a demonstration
    at Islip Town Hall in 2005, demanding that he be freed.
    And during a 2006 hearing, a crowd of about 60 gathered
    outside the courthouse to show solidarity with Duke’s
    owners, Denise and Chanse Menendez of Hauppauge.

    But if the judges of the state Appellate Division in
    Brooklyn rule against him this time, Duke, who has
    been confined to the last cage on the east tier of Kennel
    No. 1 at the Town of Islip Animal Shelter here since
    Dec. 26, 2003, will probably soon eat his last biscuit.
    (His cage is adjacent to the small room where workers
    administer lethal injections to a dozen or so animals
    each week.)

    In some ways, legal experts say, Duke represents a new
    class of death-row dog. New York is among a dozen states
    that have changed laws over the past 10 years to make
    it possible to seize dogs from their owners and order
    them euthanized for biting other dogs.

    Ledy VanKavage, director of legislation for the American
    Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals, said
    the stricter provisions reflected several factors: the
    rising numbers of pet dogs in American households,
    a growing concern about highly publicized vicious
    dog cases, and what she called the “evolving human-
    animal bond.”

    “The thinking goes: ‘My dog is a member of my family.
    If you attack my dog, you are attacking my family,’ ”
    she said.

    But Ms. VanKavage said this was flawed logic, noting,
    “Dogs are predators, after all.”

    The opposing view is in the papers filed on behalf
    of Duke’s former neighbor, Dominick Motta, who
    testified that on Oct. 23, 2003, Duke and his pit
    bull sister, Shelby, chased Mr. Motta’s bulldog,
    Daisy, and that Duke bit her.

    After a hearing, Duke was designated a “dangerous
    dog” by District Court Judge Madeleine A. Fitzgibbon
    of Suffolk County. His owners were ordered to keep
    him indoors or in a specially built kennel outdoors.

    When Duke got loose on Dec. 13, 2003, and again
    chased and bit Daisy, Mr. Motta, who then had three
    children ages 2 to 7, filed a follow-up complaint,
    which resulted in Judge Fitzgibbon’s order of
    destruction.

    “My client did not order the dog euthanized,
    a judge did,” Mr. Motta’s lawyer, John L. Belford Jr.
    of St. James, said in an interview. “And the judge’s
    decision was not designed to protect my client alone.”

    If Duke shares with some human death row residents
    the kind of mysterious personality that can look
    darkly dangerous to some and intriguing to others,
    he also shares what seems like the equanimity of
    one who is at peace with himself.

    “Watch this, I’m going to do some things that no
    aggressive dog would tolerate,” said Jeff Kolbjornsen,
    an animal behaviorist who attended the rallies on Duke’s
    behalf, on a visit to the shelter the other day.

    He clamped a hand over the dog’s mouth. He pushed him.
    He stepped on his paw, lightly. He gently slapped
    the dog’s head.

    Duke — whose skull is about the size of a baby watermelon,
    whose neck is roughly as thick as a man’s thigh, and whose
    mouth is ear to ear — sat on his hind legs, panting,
    his tongue extended just past the widest part of his
    wide chest. He nudged and then licked Mr. Kolbjornsen’s
    hand.

    “This is the nicest, calmest dog I have ever worked with,
    and I’ve been here seven years,” said Joanne Daly,
    an attendant at the shelter.

    In the brief filed with the court on Wednesday by
    Ms. Chaitoff, the lawyer for Duke’s owners, affidavits
    from Ms. Daly and from Matt Caracciolo, the shelter
    supervisor, were included praising the dog’s unflappable
    and friendly nature.

    But the main thrust of her argument is that the law under
    which he was prosecuted, Section 108 of the state’s
    Agriculture and Markets Law, which defines “a dangerous
    dog,” changed from the time of the attacks to the time
    of his trial.

    In 2003, the law defined a dangerous dog as one who
    attacks a person or attacks certain types of service
    animals, like Seeing Eye dogs. It was in 2004 that
    the law was expanded to include “companion animals,”
    pets like Mr. Motta’s Daisy.

    Therefore, Ms. Chaitoff said, in the eyes of the law,
    as well as his friends, “Duke is an innocent dog.”

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    13) The Blinded Leading the Blind
    A Jones for Justice
    Connecting the Dots: Law, Slavery, and Immigration
    By Dr. John Calvin Jones, PhD, JD
    BC Columnist
    www.blackcommentator.com/225/225_jones_for_justice_law_slavery_immigration_pf.html

    I used to teach courses in government and politics
    at a small college at South College in South Texas
    (and I mean south – 260 miles south of San Antonio).
    Though there was to be some sort of check on the
    competence and baseline knowledge of the faculty,
    i.e. that they knew something about the subject matter
    in the courses that they taught, I quickly learned that
    my colleagues in the department of government were,
    to put it nicely, limited. While two others even knew
    of Michael Parenti's Democracy for the Few, most had
    never heard of an organization called the Project for
    a New American Century (whose members include Dick
    Cheney, Jeb Bush, Scooter Libby, Donald Rumsfeld, Paul
    Wolfowitz, Philip Zelikow, and Zalmay Khalilzad),
    no one else recognized the ubiquity and debilitating
    effects of depleted uranium, and all but one other
    thought that the 13th Amendment outlawed slavery
    in the United States. The last point was particularly
    troubling because my colleagues told all their students
    that the 13 Amendment outlawed slavery in the United
    States and demanded that the students repeat the lie.

    Trained Ignorance

    The collective wisdom of the school's administration
    and my colleagues had determined that the best way
    to determine if we instructors were dispensing relevant
    information (much less teaching) anything apropos,
    was to employ a uniform set of test questions that
    we would give to the students taking intro classes
    in government. Such was to work as a type of validity
    test whereby each instructor would collect data and
    report how many students got the "right" answer to
    various trivia questions in the subject of American
    and Texas government and politics.

    Though I protested the entire project in theory, the
    use of a uniform or department-wide test via a set
    of multiple choice test questions is the logical
    extension of the silly, if not criminal, project of
    standardized testing demanded through programs like
    No Child Left Behind. Included in this list of
    about 50 questions was "which amendment banned slavery
    in the United States?" While the non-reading, so-called
    instructors claimed that the "correct answer" to the
    question was the 13th Amendment. (Note, I refer to
    my former colleagues as "instructors." They were not
    professors in that only one of them had earned a PhD
    and apparently he did not like to read anymore than
    the rest of them). As I had known for about 20 years,
    after reading the Constitution without a filter
    (i.e. ignorant, yet licensed teacher), that the 13th
    Amendment did not outlaw slavery in the United States,
    I told my esteemed colleagues that that they were
    mistaken. I explained, by citing the text (a rare
    practice I have learned), that the Amendment did not
    outlaw slavery at all, instead, the addition codifies
    when slavery is legal.

    For those of you who care to read and (re)learn,
    please note that the 13th Amendment reads as follows:

    Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude,
    except as a punishment for crime whereof the party
    shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within
    the United States, or any place subject to their
    jurisdiction. (Italics added).

    To put it more simply, in the United States, slavery
    and or involuntary servitude is legal, when compelled
    as punishment for a crime.

    Though I demonstrated this plain language to my fellow
    legal scholars, and added the need to demonstrate to
    our students both the political and legal ramifications
    of the 13th Amendment and how such is relevant today,
    I was met with criticism about my being too hard, and
    trying to push esoteric knowledge or being too ideological.
    While I did not and do not mind others being in disagreement
    with me, the fact that these people are paid by the state
    to preach a lie is criminal. More importantly, because
    these elders are "teaching" youth, there are particular
    negative social ramifications for such pedagogy. What
    shall the victims of ignorance and mendacity, and nearly
    all these young people are Mexican-American, do or think
    when faced with a newspaper story of so-called immigrant
    labor shortages and the use of prison labor (including
    imprisoned immigrants) to harvest crops in Colorado?
    Without a recognition that slavery is legal, has been
    and is maintained throughout American history, how can
    our children make sense of a small news story and see
    that the larger picture that touches on immigration law,
    labor rights, outsourcing, and racism?

    Colorado Works Its Slaves

    According to Nicholas Riccardi, because of state laws
    and crack downs on Mexican and Latino migrant laborers
    in Colorado, various farms there are facing a labor
    shortage – crops will be lost unless harvested.[1] And
    while economic theorists might see the resulting shortage
    of exploitable labor as a good thing for youth and
    underemployed Americans who might fill the void,
    Agribusiness and prison officials in Colorado have
    a better idea – prison labor.

    Riccardi finds that the Colorado Department of Corrections
    is launching a pilot program, contracting with more than
    a dozen farms to provide inmates to pick melons, onions
    and peppers. (Note the program is only new to Colorado,
    chain gangs and forced slave labor in agriculture
    is nothing new in America).

    Though she and colleagues in the Colorado legislature
    empowered local police to engage in Nazi-style stop and
    "check for papers" harassment leading to the arrest
    of thousands of migrants, now Colorado Legislator
    Dorothy Butcher wants to force prisoners to pick peppers
    for pennies "to make sure the agricultural industry
    wouldn't go out of business."

    Ironically, under the Colorado prison-crop picker plan,
    farms will pay more for inmate labor than they pay for
    undocumented migrants. According to Riccardi, the
    prisoners will be paid [sic] (i.e. credited, apparently
    Mr. Riccardi has never been in prison) with 60 cents
    a day. And it is unlikely that individual prisoners
    will refuse. Firstly, while the program will employ
    perhaps as many as 700 prisoners, Colorado has over
    22,000 prisoners with "agricultural experience".
    Secondly and more importantly, prison overseers can
    use a combination of punishments and inducements to
    encourage their participation.

    Where to begin? The federal government sells fewer
    than 200 visas for farm laborers every year. Colorado
    arrests undocumented immigrant laborers – who cannot
    obtain necessary documents. Prisoners forced to work.
    "Prisoners" are paid more than migrant farm workers.
    Migrant field workers in Colorado earn less than
    60 cents a day. The cost to hold someone in jail
    or prison costs the taxpayers anywhere from $30-75
    per day! The prospect of prison wardens harvesting
    the labor of their inmates is akin to Wal-Mart managers
    forcing "associates" to work off the clock or walk home.

    All Politics are Local, National and International

    Without any plan for his presidency, other than
    enrichment of his friends, murder of millions, and
    praying for Armageddon prior to November 2008, Bush
    is now turning attention from Iraq and Iran to the
    US-Mexican border. Once again, speaking with Bushisms
    and contradictions, W. announced a need for guest-
    worker programs all the while calling for security
    to "fight terrorism".[2]

    To quote Keith Olbermann, Bush's words are lies.
    Rather than provide for the orderly and legal entry
    of thousands who come here to work, Bush orders or
    allows his deputies in the Nazi-like Department
    of Homeland Security (Hitler called it the
    Reichssicherheitshauptamt) to round up thousands
    (including women and children).

    These people who are denied legal admission to the
    U.S., are arrested at work and their children nabbed
    at school in the name of "a war on terror" or a policy
    of "law and order" that is simply insane (part of
    a White Supremacist megalomania), economically inefficient,
    and horribly cruel. How long will it be until thousands
    of detained immigrants are farmed out in slave-labor camps?
    That is how the Nazis took care of their inferior
    populations, isn't it?

    This week, as he has done for the past months, a Texan-
    Activist, Jay Johnson-Castro, will be walking to Austin
    to protest the imprisonment of hundreds of immigrants
    in a system of private prisons across the state. Bush
    could order the release of these people … but instead,
    corporate interests in the private prison industry and
    the Christo-fascist wing of the Republic party demand
    militarization of the border and mass incarceration.
    The entire system is immoral, but legal – as international
    treaties and international laws to the contrary have
    no force inside the United States.
    Millions of us are beginning to learn the truth about
    this system of slave labor and the immigration traps.
    How many of us need to act out to stop it?

    Sources:
    [1] Riccardi, Nicholas 2007. "Colorado to Use Inmates
    to Fill Migrant Shortage", Los Angeles Times, 1 March.
    Posted at Truth Out
    http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/030107F.shtml

    [2] Daily News & Analysis. "Bush renews call for
    comprehensive immigration reforms", Wednesday, April 11, 2007.
    http://www.dnaindia.com/report.asp?NewsID=1090197

    BC Columnist Dr John Calvin Jones, PhD, JD has
    a law degree and a PhD in Political Science. His
    Website is virtualcitizens.com. Click here to
    contact Dr. Jones. jcjones@virtualcitizens.com

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    14) REFLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT FIDEL CASTRO
    "More than three billion people in the world condemned
    to premature death from hunger and thirst."
    March 28, 2007
    Fidel Castro.
    Translated by Granma International
    [This email was sent as a service by Roland Sheppard.
    My website is http://web.mac.com/rolandgarret . Read
    my book, The View From The Painter's Ladder available
    at Amazon.com]

    "More than three billion people in the world condemned
    to premature death from hunger and thirst."

    THAT is not an exaggerated figure, but rather a cautious
    one. I have meditated a lot on that in the wake of President
    Bush’s meeting with U.S. automobile manufacturers.

    The sinister idea of converting food into fuel was
    definitively established as an economic line in U.S.
    foreign policy last Monday, March 26.

    A cable from the AP, the U.S. news agency that reaches
    all corners of the world, states verbatim:

    "WASHINGTON, March 26 (AP). President Bush touted the
    benefits of ‘flexible fuel’ vehicles running on ethanol
    and biodiesel on Monday, meeting with automakers
    to boost support for his energy plans.

    "Bush said a commitment by the leaders of the domestic
    auto industry to double their production of flex-fuel
    vehicles could help motorists shift away from gasoline
    and reduce the nation's reliance on imported oil.

    '"That's a major technological breakthrough for the
    country,' Bush said after inspecting three alternative
    vehicles. If the nation wants to reduce gasoline use,
    he said “the consumer has got to be in a position to
    make a rational choice.”

    "The president urged Congress to 'move expeditiously'
    on legislation the administration recently proposed
    to require the use of 35 billion gallons of alternative
    fuels by 2017 and seek higher fuel economy standards
    for automobiles.

    "Bush met with General Motors Corp. chairman and chief
    executive Rick Wagoner, Ford Motor Co. chief executive
    Alan Mulally and DaimlerChrysler AG's Chrysler Group
    chief executive Tom LaSorda.

    "They discussed support for flex-fuel vehicles, attempts
    to develop ethanol from alternative sources like
    switchgrass and wood chips and the administration's
    proposal to reduce gas consumption by 20 percent
    in 10 years.

    "The discussions came amid rising gasoline prices.
    The latest Lundberg Survey found the nationwide
    average for gasoline has risen 6 cents per gallon
    in the past two weeks to $2.61."

    I believe that reducing and moreover recycling all
    motors that run on electricity and fuel is an
    elemental and urgent need for all humanity. The
    tragedy does not lie in reducing those energy costs
    but in the idea of converting food into fuel.

    It is known very precisely today that one ton of
    corn can only produce 413 liters of ethanol on
    average, according to densities. That is equivalent
    to 109 gallons.

    The average price of corn in U.S. ports has risen
    to $167 per ton. Thus, 320 million tons of corn
    would be required to produce 35 billion gallons
    of ethanol.

    According to FAO figures, the U.S. corn harvest
    rose to 280.2 million tons in the year 2005.

    Although the president is talking of producing fuel
    derived from grass or wood shavings, anyone can
    understand that these are phrases totally lacking
    in realism. Let’s be clear: 35 billion gallons
    translates into 35 followed by nine zeros!

    Afterwards will come beautiful examples of what
    experienced and well-organized U.S. farmers can
    achieve in terms of human productivity by hectare:
    corn converted into ethanol; the chaff from that
    corn converted into animal feed containing 26% protein;
    cattle dung used as raw material for gas production.
    Of course, this is after voluminous investments only
    within the reach of the most powerful enterprises,
    in which everything has to be moved on the basis
    of electricity and fuel consumption. Apply that recipe
    to the countries of the Third World and you will see
    that people among the hungry masses of the Earth will
    no longer eat corn. Or something worse: lend funding
    to poor countries to produce corn ethanol based on
    corn or any other food and not a single tree will
    be left to defend humanity from climate change.

    Other countries in the rich world are planning to
    use not only corn but also wheat, sunflower seeds,
    Rapeseed and other foods for fuel production. For the
    Europeans, for example, it would become a business
    to import all of the world’s soybeans with the aim
    of reducing the fuel costs for their automobiles and
    feeding their animals with the chaff from that legume,
    particularly rich in all types of essential amino acids.

    In Cuba, alcohol used to be produced as a byproduct
    of the sugar industry after having made three extractions
    of sugar from cane juice. Climate change is already
    affecting our sugar production. Lengthy periods of drought
    alternating with record rainfall, that barely make it
    possible to produce sugar with an adequate yield during
    the 100 days of our very moderate winter; hence, there
    Is less sugar per ton of cane or less cane per hectare
    due to prolonged drought in the months of planting and
    cultivation.

    I understand that in Venezuela they would be using
    alcohol not for export but to improve the environmental
    quality of their own fuel. For that reason, apart from
    the excellent Brazilian technology for producing alcohol,
    in Cuba the use of such a technology for the direct
    production of alcohol from sugar cane juice is no more
    than a dream or the whim of those carried away by that
    idea. In our country, land handed over to the direct
    production of alcohol could be much useful for food
    production for the people and for environmental
    protection.

    All the countries of the world, rich and poor, without
    any exception, could save millions and millions of
    dollars in investment and fuel simply by changing
    all the incandescent light bulbs for fluorescent
    ones, an exercise that Cuba has carried out in all
    homes throughout the country. That would provide
    a breathing space to resist climate change without
    killing the poor masses through hunger.

    As can be observed, I am not using adjectives to
    qualify the system and the lords of the earth.
    That task can be excellently undertaken by news
    experts and honest social, economic and political
    scientists abounding in the world who are constantly
    delving into to the present and future of our species.
    A computer and the growing number of Internet networks
    are sufficient for that.

    Today, we are seeing for the first time a really
    globalized economy and a dominant power in the
    economic, political and military terrain that in no
    way resembles that of Imperial Rome.

    Some people will be asking themselves why I am talking
    of hunger and thirst. My response to that: it is not
    about the other side of the coin, but about several
    sides of something else, like a die with six sides,
    or a polyhedron with many more sides.

    I refer in this case to an official news agency,
    founded in 1945 and generally well-informed about
    economic and social questions in the world: TELAM.
    It said, and I quote:

    " In just 18 years, close to 2 billion people will
    be living in countries and regions where water will
    be a distant memory. Two-thirds of the world’s
    population could be living in places where that
    scarcity produces social and economic tensions
    of such a magnitude that it could lead nations
    to wars for the precious 'blue gold.'

    "Over the last 100 years, the use of water has
    increased at a rate twice as fast as that of
    population growth.

    "According to statistics from the World Water
    Council, it is estimated that by 2015, the number
    of inhabitants affected by this grave situation
    will rise by 3.5 billion people.

    " The United Nations celebrated World Water Day
    on March 23, and called to begin confronting, that
    very day, the international scarcity of water,
    under the coordination of the UN Food and Agriculture
    Organization (FAO), with the goal of highlighting
    the increasing importance of water scarcity on
    a global scale, and the need for greater integration
    and cooperation that would make it possible to
    guarantee sustained and efficient management
    of water resources.

    "Many regions on the planet are suffering from
    severe water shortages, living with less than
    500 cubic meters per person per year. The number
    of regions suffering from chronic scarcity of
    this vital element is increasingly growing.

    "The principal consequences of water scarcity
    are an insufficient amount of the precious liquid
    for producing food, the impossibility of industrial,
    urban and tourism development and health problems."

    That was the TELEAM cable.

    In this case I will refrain from mentioning other
    important facts, like the melting ice in Greenland
    and the Antarctic, damage to the ozone layer and
    the growing volume of mercury in many species of
    fish for common consumption.

    There are other issues that could be addressed,
    but with these lines I am just trying to comment
    on President Bush's meeting with the principal
    executives of U.S. automakers.

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    LINKS AND VERY SHORT STORIES

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    The New Suburban Poverty
    by EYAL PRESS
    [from the April 23, 2007 issue]
    http://www.thenation.com/docprint.mhtml?i=20070423&s=press

    Canadian Auto Workers occupy parts
    plant in Scarborough, Ontario
    By Julian Benson from Toronto
    Thursday, 12 April 2007
    http://www.marxist.com/canadian-auto-workers-occupation110407.htm

    U.S. Is Extending Tours of Army
    By DAVID S. CLOUD
    April 12, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/world/middleeast/12military.html

    Kurt Vonnegut, Counterculture’s Novelist, Dies
    By DINITIA SMITH
    April 12, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/books/12vonnegut.html?hp

    Robert Fisk: Divide and rule - America's plan for Baghdad
    "Revealed: a new counter-insurgency strategy to carve up
    the city into sealed areas. The tactic failed in Vietnam.
    So what chance does it have in Iraq?"
    http://news.independent.co.uk/world/fisk/article2439530.ece

    Published: 11 April 2007

    Refugees Speak of Escape from Hell
    Inter Press Service
    Dahr Jamail
    "DAMASCUS, Apr 11 (IPS) - Refugees from Iraq scattered
    around Damascus describe hellish conditions in the country
    they managed to leave behind."
    April 11, 2007
    http://www.dahrjamailiraq.com/hard_news/archives/syria/000565.php#more

    Manhattan: Leash-Free Dogs at Night in City Parks
    By TIMOTHY WILLIAMS
    The Parks and Recreation Department announced yesterday
    that a policy of allowing dogs off leashes during overnight
    hours will become effective next month. Beginning May 10,
    owners with a license and proof of a current rabies
    vaccination will be permitted to let their dogs roam
    in designated areas of city parks from 9 p.m. to 9 a.m.
    Under an unofficial policy, the department has for years
    not given tickets to dog owners who let their pets run
    free at night in parks.
    April 11, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/11/nyregion/11mbrfs-dogs.html

    How Trees Might Not Be Green in Carbon Offsetting Debate
    http://www.commondreams.org/archive/2007/04/10/443/

    There is climate change censorship - and it's the
    deniers who dish it out
    "Global warming scientists are under intense pressure
    to water down findings, and are then accused
    of silencing their critics."
    George Monbiot
    Tuesday April 10, 2007
    The Guardian
    http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/story/0,,2053521,00.html

    American Tortured in Iraq Sues Rumsfeld
    http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/040907J.shtml

    And These Refugees Are Lucky
    http://www.dahrjamailiraq.com/hard_news/archives/syria/000561.php#more

    Bush Renews Effort on Immigration Plan
    By DAVID STOUT
    April 9, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/washington/09cnd-prexy.html?hp

    Ranchers and Army Are at Odds in Old West
    By DAN FROSCH
    "DENVER, April 6 — Mack Louden worries that his 30,000-acre
    ranch sits in the cross hairs of the Army’s plans to expand
    its Piñon Canyon Maneuver Site at Fort Carson, and he, along
    with other Colorado ranchers, are increasingly upset
    about the idea.
    'Where we live, how we live, it’s all going to die a slow death
    if the Army gets our land,' said Mr. Louden, a fourth-
    generation rancher from Las Animas County, along the
    southern edge of the state."
    April 9, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/us/09hearing.html?ref=washington

    Big Coal Invokes Reverse Nuremberg Defense
    Massey Energy's CEO: Just Giving Orders, Not Carrying Them Out
    By CORPORATE CRIME REPORTER
    April 9, 2007
    http://www.counterpunch.com/ccr04092007.html

    The political situation in Venezuela – interview
    with Yonie Moreno, member of the CMR in Venezuela
    By Yonnie Moreno
    Monday, 09 April 2007
    www.handsoffvenezuela.org/political_situation_venezuela_moreno.htm

    FOCUS | US Warplanes Attack Shiites as Civil War Rages in Iraq
    http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/040807Z.shtml

    FOCUS | Thousands in LA Demand Immigrant Rights
    http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/040807Y.shtml

    Pesticides Linked to Honeybee Population Decline
    http://www.organicconsumers.org/articles/article_4279.cfm

    Executive Pay: A Special Report
    More Pieces. Still a Puzzle.
    By ERIC DASH
    April 8, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/business/yourmoney/08pay.html?ref=business

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    GENERAL ANNOUNCEMENTS AND INFORMATION
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    DEMAND THE RELEASE OF SAMI AL-ARIAN

    The National Council of Arab Americans (NCA) demands the immediate
    release of political prisoner, Dr. Sami Al-Arian. Although
    Dr. Al-Arian is no longer on a hunger strike we must still demand
    he be released by the US Department of Justice (DOJ). After an earlier
    plea agreement that absolved Dr. Al-Arian from any further questioning,
    he was sentenced up to 18 months in jail for refusing to testify before
    a grand jury in Virginia. He has long sense served his time yet
    Dr. Al-Arian is still being held. Release him now!

    See:
    http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=07/03/16/1410255

    ACTION:

    We ask all people of conscience to demand the immediate
    release and end to Dr. Al- Arian's suffering.

    Call, Email and Write:

    1- Attorney General Alberto Gonzales
    Department of Justice
    U.S. Department of Justice
    950 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW
    Washington, DC 20530-0001
    Fax Number: (202) 307-6777
    Email: AskDOJ@usdoj.gov

    2- The Honorable John Conyers, Jr
    2426 Rayburn Building
    Washington, DC 20515
    (202) 225-5126
    (202) 225-0072 Fax
    John.Conyers@mail.house.gov

    3- Senator Patrick Leahy
    433 Russell Senate Office Building
    United States Senate
    Washington, DC 20510
    (202)224-4242
    senator_leahy@leahy.senate.gov

    4- Honorable Judge Gerald Lee
    U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia
    401 Courthouse Square, Alexandria, VA 22314
    March 22, 2007
    [No email given...bw]

    National Council of Arab Americans (NCA)
    http://www.arab-american.net/

    Criminalizing Solidarity: Sami Al-Arian and the War of
    Terror
    By Charlotte Kates, The Electronic Intifada, 4 April 2007
    http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article6767.shtml

    Related:

    Robert Fisk: The true story of free speech in America
    This systematic censorship of Middle East reality
    continues even in schools
    Published: 07 April 2007
    http://news. independent. co.uk/world/ fisk/article2430 125.ece

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    [For some levity...Hans Groiner plays Monk
    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=51bsCRv6kI0
    ...bw]

    Excerpt of interview between Barbara Walters and Hugo Chavez
    http://www.borev.net/2007/03/what_you_had_something_better.html

    Which country should we invade next?
    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q3g_zqz3VjY

    My Favorite Mutiny, The Coup
    http://www.myspace.com/thecoupmusic

    Michael Moore- The Awful Truth
    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xeOaTpYl8mE

    Morse v. Frederick Supreme Court arguments
    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=n_LsGoDWC0o

    Free Speech 4 Students Rally - Media Montage
    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RfCjfod8yuw

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    'My son lived a worthwhile life'
    In April 2003, 21-year old Tom Hurndall was shot in the head
    in Gaza by an Israeli soldier as he tried to save the lives of three
    small children. Nine months later, he died, having never
    recovered consciousness. Emine Saner talks to his mother
    Jocelyn about her grief, her fight to make the Israeli army
    accountable for his death and the book she has written
    in his memory.
    Monday March 26, 2007
    The Guardian
    http://www.guardian.co.uk/israel/Story/0,,2042968,00.html

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    Introducing...................the Apple iRack
    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=o-KWYYIY4jQ

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    "A War Budget Leaves Every Child Behind."
    [A T-shirt worn by some teachers at Roosevelt High School
    in L.A. as part of their campaign to rid the school of military
    recruiters and JROTC--see Article in Full item number 4, below...bw]

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    THIS IS AN EXCELLENT VIDEO DESTRIBUTED BY U.S. LABOR AGAINST
    THE WAR (USLAW) FEATURING SPEAKERS AT THE JANUARY 27TH
    MARCH ON WASHINGTON FOCUSING ON THE DEMAND - BRING
    THE TROOPS HOME NOW.
    http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=6935451906479097836&hl=en

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    Defend the Los Angeles Eight!
    http://www.committee4justice.com/

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    George Takai responds to Tim Hardaway's homophobic remarks
    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kcJoJZIcQW4&eurl_

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    Iran
    http://www.lucasgray.com/video/peacetrain.html

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    Another view of the war. A link from Amer Jubran
    http://d3130.servadmin.com/~leeflash/

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    Petition: Halt the Blue Angels
    http://action.globalexchange.org/petition.jsp?petition_KEY=458
    http://www.care2.com/c2c/share/detail/289327

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    A Girl Like Me
    7:08 min
    Youth Documentary
    Kiri Davis, Director, Reel Works Teen Filmmaking, Producer
    Winner of the Diversity Award
    Sponsored by Third Millennium Foundation
    http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=1091431409617440489

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    Film/Song about Angola
    http://www.prisonactivist.org/angola/

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    "200 million children in the world sleep in the streets today.
    Not one of them is Cuban."
    (A sign in Havana)
    Venceremos
    View sign at bottom of page at:
    http://www.cubasolidarity.net/index.html
    [Thanks to Norma Harrison for sending this...bw]

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    FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

    "Cheyenne and Arapaho oral histories hammer history's account of the
    Sand Creek Massacre"

    CENTENNIAL, CO -- A new documentary film based on an award-winning
    documentary short film, "The Sand Creek Massacre", and driven by
    Southern Cheyenne and Arapaho people who tell their version about
    what happened during the Sand Creek Massacre via their oral
    histories, has been released by Olympus Films+, LLC, a Centennial,
    Colorado film company.

    "You have done an extraordinary job" said Margie Small, Tobient
    Entertainment, " on the Colorado PBS episode, the library videos for
    public schools and libraries, the trailer, etc...and getting the
    story told and giving honor to those ancestors who had to witness
    this tragic and brutal attack...film is one of the best ways."

    "The images shown in the film were selected for native awareness
    value" said Donald L. Vasicek, award-winning writer/filmmaker, "we
    also focused on preserving American history on film because tribal
    elders are dying and taking their oral histories with them. The film
    shows a non-violent solution to problem-solving and 19th century
    Colorado history, so it's multi-dimensional in that sense. "

    Chief Eugene Blackbear, Sr., Cheyenne, who starred as Chief Black
    Kettle in "The Last of the Dogmen" also starring Tom Berenger and
    Barbara Hershey and "Dr. Colorado", Tom Noel, University of Colorado
    history professor, are featured.

    The trailer can be viewed and the film can be ordered for $24.95 plus
    $4.95 for shipping and handling at http://www.fullduck.com/node/53.

    Vasicek's web site, http://www.donvasicek.com, provides detailed
    information about the Sand Creek Massacre including various still
    images particularly on the Sand Creek Massacre home page and on the
    proposal page.

    Olympus Films+, LLC is dedicated to writing and producing quality
    products that serve to educate others about the human condition.

    Contact:

    Donald L. Vasicek
    Olympus Films+, LLC
    7078 South Fairfax Street
    Centennial, CO 80122
    http://us.imdb.com/Name?Vasicek,+Don
    http://www.donvasicek.com
    dvasicek@earthlink.net
    303-903-2103

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    A NEW LOOK AT U.S. RADIOACTIVE WEAPONS
    Join us in a campaign to expose and stop the use
    of these illegal weapons
    http://poisondust.org/

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    You may enjoy watching these.
    In struggle
    Che:
    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nqcezl9dD2c
    Leon:
    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ukkFVV5X0p4

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    FIGHTBACK! A Collection of Socialist Essays
    By Sylvia Weinstein
    http://www.walterlippmann.com/sylvia-weinstein-fightback-intro.html

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    [The Scab
    "After God had finished the rattlesnake, the toad,
    and the vampire, he had some awful substance left with
    which he made a scab."
    "A scab is a two-legged animal with a corkscrew soul,
    a water brain, a combination backbone of jelly and glue.
    Where others have hearts, he carries a tumor of rotten
    principles." "When a scab comes down the street,
    men turn their backs and angels weep in heaven, and
    the devil shuts the gates of hell to keep him out."
    "No man (or woman) has a right to scab so long as there
    is a pool of water to drown his carcass in,
    or a rope long enough to hang his body with.
    Judas was a gentleman compared with a scab.
    For betraying his master, he had character enough
    to hang himself." A scab has not.
    "Esau sold his birthright for a mess of pottage.
    Judas sold his Savior for thirty pieces of silver.
    Benedict Arnold sold his country for a promise of
    a commision in the british army."
    The scab sells his birthright, country, his wife,
    his children and his fellowmen for an unfulfilled
    promise from his employer.
    Esau was a traitor to himself; Judas was a traitor
    to his God; Benedict Arnold was a traitor to his country;
    a scab is a traitor to his God, his country,
    his family and his class."
    Author --- Jack London (1876-1916)...Roland Sheppard
    http://web.mac.com/rolandgarret]

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    END ALL U.S. AID TO ISRAEL!
    Stop funding Israel's war against Palestine
    Complete the form at the website listed below with your information.
    https://secure2.convio.net/pep/site/Advocacy?
    JServSessionIdr003=cga2p2o6x1.app2a&cmd=display&page=UserAction&id=177

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    Sand Creek Massacre
    "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING DOCUMENTARY
    SHORT FEATURED AT NATIVE AMERICAN FILM FESTIVAL:
    http://www.aberdeennews.com/mld/aberdeennews/news/local/16035305.htm
    (scroll down when you get there])
    "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING
    WRITER/FILMMAKER DONALD L. VASICEK REPORT:
    http://www.digitalcinemareport.com/sandcreekmassacre.html
    "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING DOCUMENTARY
    SHORT FINALIST IN DOCUMENTARY CHANNEL COMPETITION (VIEW HERE):
    http://www.docupyx.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=28&Itemid=41
    VIEW "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING DOCUMENTARY
    SHORT FILM MOVIE OF THE WEEK FOR FREE HERE:
    http://twymancreative.com/twymanc.html

    On November 29, 1864, 700 Colorado troops savagely slaughtered
    over 450 Cheyenne children, disabled, elders, and women in the
    southeastern Colorado Territory under its protection. This act
    became known as the Sand Creek Massacre. This film project
    ("The Sand Creek Massacre" documentary film project) is an
    examination of an open wound in the souls of the Cheyenne
    people as told from their perspective. This project chronicles
    that horrific 19th century event and its affect on the 21st century
    struggle for respectful coexistence between white and native
    plains cultures in the United States of America.

    Listed below are links on which you can click to get the latest news,
    products, and view, free, "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" award-
    winning documentary short. In order to create more native
    awareness, particularly to save the roots of America's history,
    please read the following:

    Some people in America are trying to save the world. Bless
    them. In the meantime, the roots of America are dying.
    What happens to a plant when the roots die? The plant dies
    according to my biology teacher in high school. American's
    roots are its native people. Many of America's native people
    are dying from drug and alcohol abuse, poverty, hunger,
    and disease, which was introduced to them by the Caucasian
    male. Tribal elders are dying. When they die, their oral
    histories go with them. Our native's oral histories are the
    essence of the roots of America, what took place before
    our ancestors came over to America, what is taking place,
    and what will be taking place. It is time we replenish
    America's roots with native awareness, else America
    continues its decaying, and ultimately, its death.

    You can help. The 22-MINUTE SAND CREEK MASSACRE
    DOCUMENTARY PRESENTATION/EDUCATIONAL DVD IS
    READY FOR PURCHASE! (pass the word about this powerful
    educational tool to friends, family, schools, parents, teachers,
    and other related people and organizations to contact
    me (dvasicek@earthlink.net, 303-903-2103) for information
    about how they can purchase the DVD and have me come
    to their children's school to show the film and to interact
    in a questions and answers discussion about the Sand
    Creek Massacre.

    Happy Holidays!

    Donald L. Vasicek
    Olympus Films+, LLC
    http://us.imdb.com/Name?Vasicek,+Don
    http://www.donvasicek.com
    dvasicek@earthlink.net
    303-903-2103

    "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING DOCUMENTARY
    SHORT FEATURED AT NATIVE AMERICAN FILM FESTIVAL:
    http://www.aberdeennews.com/mld/aberdeennews/news/local/16035305.htm
    (scroll down when you get there])
    "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING
    WRITER/FILMMAKER DONALD L. VASICEK REPORT:
    http://www.digitalcinemareport.com/sandcreekmassacre.html
    "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING DOCUMENTARY
    SHORT FINALIST IN DOCUMENTARY CHANNEL COMPETITION (VIEW HERE):
    http://www.docupyx.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=28&Itemid=41
    VIEW "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING DOCUMENTARY
    SHORT FILM MOVIE OF THE WEEK FOR FREE HERE:
    http://twymancreative.com/twymanc.html

    SHOP:
    http://www.manataka.org/page633.html
    BuyIndies.com
    donvasicek.com.

    Wednesday, April 11, 2007
     

    BAUAW NEWSLETTER - WEDNESDAY, APRIL 11, 2007

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    Tell Bush and Congress:
    Don't Release Luis Posada Carriles!
    Extradite Posada to Venezuela
    https://secure2.convio.net/pep/site/Advocacy?JServSessionIdr006=238mdc75w3.app8a&cmd=display&page=UserAction&id=159

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    ARTICLES IN FULL:
    *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*
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    1) All That You Can Be
    Risk Management
    by Lauren Collins
    April 9, 2007
    http://www.newyorker.com/talk/2007/04/09/070409ta_talk_collins

    2) No hope in Guantánamo
    BY JOSHUA COLANGELO-BRYAN
    MIAMI HERALD
    Apr. 05, 2007
    http://www.miamiherald.com/851/v-print/story/64032.html

    3) WE'VE BEEN SURGING FOR YEARS
    By Don Monkerud
    TomPaine.com
    April 6, 2007
    http://www.tompaine.com/articles/2007/04/06/weve_been_surging_for_years.php

    4) Permanent drought predicted for Southwest
    "Study says global warming threatens to create a
    Dust Bowl-like period. Water politics could
    also get heated."
    By Alan Zarembo and Bettina Boxall
    Times Staff Writers
    April 6, 2007
    http://www.latimes.com/news/science/la-sci-swdrought6apr06,0,122112.story?coll=la-home-headlines

    5) Democrats at War
    WALL STREET JOURNAL
    EDITORIAL
    April 6, 2007; Page A10
    [Via Email from: Walter Lippmann
    walterlx@earthlink.net ...bw]

    6) Ford Pays Chief $28 Million for 4 Months’ Work
    By NICK BUNKLEY
    April 6, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/06/business/06ford.html?ref=businessspecial

    7) Comcast Chief Executive Receives $26 Million
    By GERALDINE FABRIKANT
    March 30, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/30/business/businessspecial/30comcast.pay.html?ex=1176091200&en=a355f91bce1d207c&ei=5070

    8) No Bonuses for Top G.M. Executives
    By NICK BUNKLEY
    March 29, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/29/business/businessspecial/29gmpay.html?ex=1176091200&en=b3bcb33a8bceaa23&ei=5070

    9) Cuban jet bombing suspect ordered free on bail in U.S.
    "Venezuela and Cuba want Luis Posada Carriles in a 1976 plane bombing
    that killed 73. But in this country, the former CIA operative
    is charged with lying to immigration officials."
    By Carol J. Williams
    Times Staff Writer
    April 7, 2007
    http://www.latimes.com/news/printedition/asection/la-na-posada7apr07,1,7020766.story?coll=la-news-a_section

    10) City asks court to quit Abu-Jamal case
    By MARYCLAIRE DALE, Associated Press Writer1
    April 6, 2007
    http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20070406/ap_on_re_us/mumia_abu_jamal

    11) Hot and Cold
    Editorial
    April 8,2006
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/opinion/08sun1.html?hp

    12) Doctor’s Index Predicts Fate for Migrants in the Desert
    "...more than 100 adult male
    immigrants had died of heatstroke annually in Pima
    County."
    By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
    April 8, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/us/08immig.html

    13) Trail of Tears
    By ELIZABETH ROYTE
    (RE: THE LONG EXILE
    A Tale of Inuit Betrayal and Survival in the High Arctic.
    By Melanie McGrath.
    268 pp. Alfred A. Knopf. $24.95.)
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/books/review/Royte.t.html?_r=1&adxnnl=1&oref=slogin&adxnnlx=1176050987-kCJ3ZpwQ2uOi7Yadi5MjcA

    14) Sociable Darwinism
    By NATALIE ANGIER
    April 8, 2007
    (RE:EVOLUTION FOR EVERYONE
    How Darwin’s Theory Can Change the
    Way We Think About Our Lives.
    By David Sloan Wilson.
    390 pp. Delacorte Press. $24.)
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/books/review/Angier.t.html?ref=review

    15) Sweet Little Lies
    By PAUL KRUGMAN
    Op-Ed Columnist
    April 9, 2007
    http://select.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/opinion/09krugman.html?hp

    16) 6-Year-Olds Under Arrest
    By BOB HERBERT
    Op-Ed Columnist
    Avon Park, Fla.
    April 9, 2007
    http://select.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/opinion/09herbert.html?hp

    17) Guantánamo Detainees Stage Hunger Strike
    By TIM GOLDEN
    April 9, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/us/09hunger.html

    18) Army Is Cracking Down on Deserters
    By PAUL von ZIELBAUER
    April 9, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/us/09awol.html?ref=us

    19) CLOSE CONTACT
    To Woo Afghan Locals,
    U.S. Troops Settle In
    Tactic Wins Friends,
    Isolates Insurgents,
    But Boosts Casualties
    By MICHAEL M. PHILLIPS
    April 9, 2007; Page A1
    WALL STREET JOURNAL
    [VIA Email from: Walter Lippmann
    walterlx@earthlink.net ...bw]

    20) Crop Prices Soar,
    Pushing Up Cost
    Of Food Globally
    New Demand for Biofuels
    Feeds Inflation Pressure;
    China, India Feel Pinch
    By PATRICK BARTA
    April 9, 2007; Page A1
    The Wall Street Journal
    [VIA Email from: Walter Lippmann
    walterlx@earthlink.net ...bw]

    21) Injured troops shipped back into battle
    "Salon has uncovered further evidence that the military sent soldiers
    with acute post-traumatic stress disorder, severe back injuries and
    other serious war wounds back to Iraq."
    By Mark Benjamin
    April 9, 2007
    http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2007/04/09/injured_soldiers/print.html

    22) Huge Protest in Iraq Demands U.S. Withdraw
    By EDWARD WONG
    April 10, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/world/middleeast/10iraq.html?ref=world

    23) High Stakes: Chávez Plays the Oil Card
    “Chávez poses a much bigger threat to America’s energy
    security than Saddam Hussein ever did.”
    By SIMON ROMERO and CLIFFORD KRAUSS
    April 10, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/business/worldbusiness/10showdown.html

    24) General Wants Increased Troops Into Fall
    By THE NEW YORK TIMES
    April 10, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/world/middleeast/10troops.html

    25) U.S. Raid on an Immigrant Household
    Deepens Anger and Mistrust
    By NINA BERNSTEIN
    April 10, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/nyregion/10suffolk.html?ref=nyregion

    26) In East Harlem School Closing, Talk of a Class Divide
    By DAVID GONZALEZ
    April 10, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/nyregion/10citywide.html?ref=nyregion

    27) Reflections by the Commander in Chief
    A BRUTAL REPLY
    Fidel Castro Ruz
    April 10, 2007
    http://www.cuba.cu/gobierno/discursos/2007/ing/f100407i.html

    28) Now the South Erupts
    Inter Press Service
    Ali al-Fadhily*
    http://www.dahrjamailiraq.com/hard_news/archives/iraq/000564.php#more

    29) Cuban Youth Searching for Their Inner Selves
    Juventud Rebelde reveals the finding of its Third National Survey of Youth
    2007-04-10 | 13:31:23 EST
    http://www.juventudrebelde.co.cu/cuba/2007-04-10/cuban-youth-searching-for-their-inner-selves-/

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    1) All That You Can Be
    Risk Management
    by Lauren Collins
    April 9, 2007
    http://www.newyorker.com/talk/2007/04/09/070409ta_talk_collins

    In the wake of a rise in substantiated instances
    of misconduct by its recruiters, the United States
    military, it was reported last month, is considering
    installing surveillance cameras in its recruiting
    stations. The military may also want to assess the
    tactics that its employees use in the virtual realm.
    This admissions season, an Army recruiter has been
    e-mailing recent college graduates with the offer
    of hundreds of thousands of dollars in scholarship
    money to pay for medical school, in exchange for
    four years of service. Nothing new there. What’s
    surprising is his assertion to students that they
    would be better off in Baghdad than in Georgetown.

    Susan Kahane, who is twenty-two, graduated from
    Columbia last spring. When she took the MCAT,
    in August, she checked a box to signal that she
    wished to receive information about outside sources
    of financial aid. Soon, she was inundated with
    e-mails from the Army, the Navy, and the Air Force
    (“FREE MEDICAL SCHOOL!!!”). One, sent on January 31st
    by Captain Christopher D. Mayhugh, of the Army
    Medical Service Corps, stood out. “Upon finishing
    your residency,” the message read, “you will be
    assigned to one of a variety of locations including
    Germany, Italy and Hawaii and your obligation will
    be complete.” (The Medical Service Corps’s Web page,
    in contrast, notes prominently that its officers
    have participated in combat operations in Korea,
    Kosovo, Somalia, Panama, and Iraq.)

    Mayhugh’s omission of Iraq, Kahane recalled last week,
    “seemed a little bit strange.” Still, she said,
    “These e-mails were often slightly tempting to me,
    because of my worries about paying for medical school.”

    On March 14th, Kahane received another e-mail from
    Mayhugh, with the subject “Medical school scholarships
    still available.” This time, rather than invoking
    European and tropical destinations, Mayhugh addressed
    the prospect of being posted to a less than desirable
    locale. “What if you get sent to Iraq?” he wrote
    in the letter’s final paragraph. He continued:

    Well, consider this: there has been an average of
    160,000 troops in the Iraq theater of operations during
    the last 22 months, and a total of 2112 deaths, that
    gives a firearm death rate of 60 per 100,000. The rate
    in Washington, D.C. is 80.6 per 100,000. That means
    that you are about 25% more likely to be shot and
    killed in our Nation’s Capitol, which has some
    of the strictest gun control laws in the nation,
    than you are in Iraq.

    Kahane recalled, “After reading it once, I felt
    strongly that something was wrong, but I didn’t
    know what.” She looked up the figures and did the
    math herself, and found that all the statistics
    in the e-mail were either outdated or incorrect,
    and that, even if they had been correct, Mayhugh
    seemed to be comparing a yearly figure for Washington
    with a monthly one for Iraq. (Going by Mayhugh’s
    numbers, there would be nearly fifteen gun murders
    in Washington every day. In reality, there were
    about three murders, of any kind, per week in 2006.
    In the same period, an average of sixteen American
    troops died each week in Iraq.) Kimberly Thompson,
    an associate professor of risk analysis and decision
    science at Harvard’s School of Public Health, agreed,
    last week, to evaluate Mayhugh’s claim and found the
    discrepancy even starker. In her estimate, the risk
    of being killed in Iraq is ten times higher than
    the risk of being killed in Washington, D.C. “The
    recruiter’s e-mail message is really amazingly
    misleading,” she said.

    It turns out, as Kahane learned with a subsequent
    Google search, that “D.C. is more dangerous than
    Iraq” is a well-worn canard. Representative Steve
    King, a Republican from Iowa, promulgated a variation,
    involving his wife’s safety, last year on the floor
    of the House, while Mayhugh’s paragraph was plucked,
    verbatim, from an e-mail that circulated in 2005.
    The realization that Mayhugh’s message derived—one
    could see, with nominal research—from a Web fallacy
    was dispiriting to Kahane. She had written a letter
    to Mayhugh, but didn’t send it. “I thought, I guess
    he knows the math isn’t right, so what’s the point
    of telling him?” she said.

    Reached last week at his office in Maryland, Mayhugh
    stood by the e-mail, saying, “Most people’s perception
    of Iraq is that ‘Oh, my God, people are being murdered
    over there by the thousands.’ I think if you look at
    any type of situation where you have several hundred
    thousand people on the ground and now you throw in the
    fact that what they’re doing is dangerous and they
    have very big heavy vehicles and firearms with live
    ammunition, the number of people being killed over
    there is pretty small.”

    He acknowledged that the paragraph had come from
    a forwarded e-mail, but said that, before pasting
    it into his pitch, he had done “some simple calculations”
    that supported its conclusions. “In what I’ve seen
    in dealing with the war and the misperceptions of it,”
    he said, “it seemed to me like those would be the right
    numbers.” He went on, “I work in D.C. on a daily basis,
    and I’m afraid to get out of my car in a lot of places.
    I hear about police officers being murdered every day
    in D.C. and Baltimore. And I’ve had thousands of friends
    and colleagues go to Iraq and come back safely.”

    Illustration: TOM BACHTELL

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    2) No hope in Guantánamo
    BY JOSHUA COLANGELO-BRYAN
    MIAMI HERALD
    Apr. 05, 2007
    http://www.miamiherald.com/851/v-print/story/64032.html

    On Monday, I was at Guantánamo Bay to meet with Jumah
    Al Dossari, one of the detainees my firm represents.
    As always, I spent the first few hours of our meeting
    trying to convince Jumah to fight the desperation
    and hopelessness that threaten what little spirit
    he has left.

    Jumah has been at Guantánamo for more than five
    years. The government has never charged him with
    a crime and does not accuse him of taking any action
    against the United States. For several years, Jumah
    has been held alone in solid-wall cells from which
    he cannot see other detainees or communicate except
    by yelling. He has spent 22 to 24 hours a day by
    himself in these cells. He has been short shackled,
    threatened with death and, once, severly beaten.
    Interrogators have told him that he will be at
    Guantánamo for the next 50 years and that there
    is no law at Guantánamo.

    Sometimes the idea of spending the rest of his
    life locked up thousands of miles from his family
    is too much for Jumah. On Oct. 15, 2005, I walked
    into an interview room to visit him. There was
    blood on the floor. I looked up and saw Jumah
    hanging by his neck from the other side of a metal
    mesh wall that divided his cell from our meeting
    area. He was bleeding from a gash in his arm.

    I couldn't reach Jumah because the door to the
    cell was locked. I yelled for guards who came,
    unlocked the door and cut the noose from Jumah's
    neck. I was ordered out of the room but later learned
    that Jumah had survived. Since that day, Jumah
    has tried to kill himself three times. Last spring
    he slashed his throat with a razor, spraying blood
    on the ceiling of his cell.

    During our meeting on Monday, we talked about Jumah's
    court case, a bleak—and therefore dangerous—subject.
    I explained again that the Bush administration insists
    it may detain anyone it designates an ''enemy combatant''
    forever without a trial. I explained how Congress blessed
    that notion in last year's Military Commissions Act,
    which bars foreign ''enemy combatants'' from going to
    court to challenge that designation. I explained that
    lawyers for the detainees had challenged the act as
    unconstitutional, but that in February a federal appeals
    had ruled against us on the grounds that people like
    Jumah have no rights.

    Desperately wanting to boost his spirits, I also told
    Jumah that there was reason to be optimistic. We had
    asked the Supreme Court to review the appeals court
    decision and we felt pretty sure that our request
    would be granted. Were that to happen, Jumah might
    be a step closer to a court hearing.

    At noon, I went to the galley—as the cafeteria at
    Guantánamo is called—to get lunch for Jumah and myself.
    While waiting for a burger, I glanced up at a television
    tuned to CNN. Text ran across the bottom of the screen:
    ``Supreme Court refuses to hear Guantánamo detainee
    appeals until alternative procedures are exhausted.''

    Our request—the one reason I had given Jumah to be
    optimistic—had been denied. The Supreme Court was
    saying it might consider the detainees' cases, but
    not until the detainees subjected themselves
    to proceedings created by the Military Commissions Act.

    It is a disturbing ruling because the government
    says the purpose of these proceedings is not to
    determine if a detainee is actually an ''enemy combatant''
    but rather to determine if the military followed its own
    rules in applying the ''enemy combatant'' label. For that
    reason, detainees will have no chance to produce evidence
    of their innocence that the military didn't consider
    or to challenge the use of evidence obtained through
    torture. Worse yet, these procedures will be held
    before the same appeals court that recently found
    the detainees have no rights at all.

    I walked slowly back to the room where Jumah sat
    shackled. I wondered if there was a good way to tell
    a suicidal man that all three branches of our government
    appear content to let him rot at Guantánamo. Nothing
    came to mind.

    Maybe I shouldn't have worried. Jumah's reaction
    to bad legal news has become as muted as his emotions
    generally. He long ago stopped believing that a court
    will ever hear his case and thinks I'm naive for hoping
    otherwise. Instead, Jumah believes that he has been
    condemned to live forever on an island where there
    is no law. He may well be right.

    Joshua Colangelo-Bryan, an attorney, represents
    several Guantánamo detainees.

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    3) WE'VE BEEN SURGING FOR YEARS
    By Don Monkerud
    TomPaine.com
    April 6, 2007
    http://www.tompaine.com/articles/2007/04/06/weve_been_surging_for_years.php

    The number of U.S. forces involved in Iraq are at least twice the number
    quoted in the media. The administration uses a number of deceptions,
    definitional illusions and euphemisms -- including counting only "combat
    forces" and "military personnel" -- to drastically undercount the invasion
    force.

    Even President Bush's January announcement of a "surge" of 21,500 U.S.
    troops, opposed by the Joint Chiefs of Staff, has now morphed into 30,000
    troops with an additional "headquarters staff" of 3,000 -- or more than 50
    percent more than the official number. The currently reported total U.S.
    military in Iraq is 145,000, forces which are required to occupy a country
    slightly more than twice the size of Idaho.

    The real number is almost impossible to find in government-released
    information, even with a great amount of interpretation. It’s hidden
    because few in the administration want to disclose the true extent of vast
    U.S. resources invested in personnel, material, and other costs.

    GlobalSecurity.org is a public policy organization that provides
    background information on defense and homeland security. They note that
    keeping track of American forces has become "significantly more difficult
    as the military seeks to improve operational security and to deceive
    potential enemies and the media as to the extent of American operations."

    According to John Pike, director of GlobalSecurity.org, there are a number
    of other reasons affecting the accurate counting of the number of military
    forces involved in Iraq. Large numbers of troops are activated with
    unspecified duties to unspecified areas; many small units from various
    locations are being mobilized from the Army and National Guard, which
    count units differently; and groups rotate in and out of Iraqi so quickly
    it's impossible for anyone but the Pentagon to calculate how many are
    there. The Pentagon tracks these numbers, but Pike says they aren't
    telling.

    "We only try to nail the numbers down when we think Americans are getting
    ready to blow someone up," Pike says. "The Pentagon knows the numbers and
    we have certainly not done anything to highball it. Certainly, if there's
    a chance to release or hold numbers, they are parsimonious."

    Additionally, private enterprise military "contractors" almost double the
    number of U.S. forces in Iraq. After four contractors were hung from a
    bridge in Fallujah in March 2004, the Bush administration stonewalled
    congressional efforts to force the Pentagon to release information about
    the number of contractors in Iraq. Finally, the Pentagon reported a total
    of 25,000.

    In "The Market for Force: The Consequences of Privatizing Security,"
    Deborah D. Avant, director for the Institute for Global and Internal
    Studies at George Washington University, reports that official numbers are
    difficult to find, but "This is the largest deployment of U.S. contractors
    in a military operation."

    In October, the military's first census of contractors totaled 100,000,
    not counting subcontractors. And in February 2007, the Associated Press
    reported 120,000 contractors (which would put Bush's "surge" closer to
    50,000). Contractors, which some call mercenaries, provide support
    services essential to maintaining the U.S. military presence in Iraq. Ten
    times the number of contractors employed during the Persian Gulf War,
    these contract mercenaries now cook meals, interrogate prisoners, fix flat
    tires, repair vehicles, and provide guard duty.

    Military personnel formerly filled these types of jobs until former
    Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld instituted his "Total Force" plan,
    which relies on a smaller U.S. military force with "its active and reserve
    military components, its civil servants, and its contractors." Senator
    Jim Webb of Virginia called this a "rent-an-army."

    What are the total of U.S. forces are in Iraq? The government reported
    145,000 U.S. military forces in Iraq, but John Pike estimates the current
    total at 150,000. Another 20,000 will arrive as part of the "surge," a
    last gasp public relations effort to save the operation from total
    failure.

    John Pike estimates another 30,000 are "in the theater" to provide
    "Operation Iraqi Freedom" support. The Army and Marines have another
    10,000 to 20,000 in Kuwait, and a nearby Air Force wing-bombing group has
    5,000. Current naval exercises in the Persian Gulf, which represents a
    show of force against Iran, include 10,000 U.S. personnel, the carrier
    groups Eisenhower and the Stennis, and 15 warships.

    Add the 120,000 contract mercenaries and the forces involved in the Iraqi
    operation and the total comes to 300,000 to 360,000, more than twice the
    "official" figure of 145,000 troops. This isn't counting the more than
    5,000 British combat troops and navy, down from a high of 40,000 during
    the initial invasion, or the ragtag remnants of the highly vaunted
    "Coalition of the Willing," which has dwindled since the beginning of the
    occupation to 27, mostly small, countries such as Armenia, Estonia,
    Moldavia, and Latvia.

    Manipulated figures and private military contractors provide the Bush
    Administration with political cover to escape public scrutiny and keep
    injuries, deaths, and secret operations out of the public eye. A more
    accurate and honest view of participation in the Iraqi occupation by the
    government could give Americans more reason to oppose the waste of lives
    and resources on this ill-conceived, poorly planned, and disastrous
    venture.

    --Don Monkerud is an California-based writer who follows cultural, social
    and political issues. He can be reached at monkerud@cruzio.com.


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    4) Permanent drought predicted for Southwest
    "Study says global warming threatens to create a
    Dust Bowl-like period. Water politics could
    also get heated."
    By Alan Zarembo and Bettina Boxall
    Times Staff Writers
    April 6, 2007
    http://www.latimes.com/news/science/la-sci-swdrought6apr06,0,122112.story?coll=la-home-headlines

    The driest periods of the last century ˜ the Dust
    Bowl of the 1930s and the droughts of the 1950s ˜
    may become the norm in the Southwest United
    States within decades because of global warming,
    according to a study released Thursday.

    The research suggests that the transformation may
    already be underway. Much of the region has been
    in a severe drought since 2000, which the study's
    analysis of computer climate models shows as the
    beginning of a long dry period.

    The study, published online in the journal
    Science, predicted a permanent drought by 2050
    throughout the Southwest ˜ one of the fastest-
    growing regions in the nation.

    The data tell "a story which is pretty darn scary
    and very strong," said Jonathan Overpeck, a
    climate researcher at the University of Arizona
    who was not involved in the study.

    Richard Seager, a research scientist at
    Lamont-Doherty Earth Observatory at Columbia
    University and the lead author of the study, said
    the changes would force an adjustment to the
    social and economic order from Colorado
    to California.

    "There are going to be some tough decisions on
    how to allocate water," he said. "Is it going to
    be the cities, or is it going to be agriculture?"

    Seager said the projections, based on 19 computer
    models, showed a surprising level of agreement.
    "There is only one model that does not have
    a drying trend," he said.

    Philip Mote, an atmospheric scientist at the
    University of Washington who was not involved in
    the study, added, "There is a convergence of the
    models that is very strong and very worrisome."

    The future effect of global warming is the
    subject of a United Nations report to be released
    today in Brussels, the second of four installments
    being unveiled this year.

    The first report from the Intergovernmental Panel
    on Climate Change was released in February. It
    declared that global warming had become a
    "runaway train" and that human activities were
    "very likely" to blame.

    The landmark report helped shift the long and
    rancorous political debate over climate change
    from whether man-made warming was real to what
    could be done about it.

    The mechanics and patterns of drought in the
    Southwest have been the focus of increased
    scrutiny in recent years.

    During the last period of significant, prolonged
    drought ˜ the Medieval Climate Optimum from about
    the years 900 to 1300 ˜ the region experienced
    dry periods that lasted as long as 20 years,
    scientists say.

    Drought research has largely focused on the
    workings of air currents that arise from
    variations in sea-surface temperature in the
    Pacific Ocean known as El Niño and La Niña.

    The most significant in terms of drought is La
    Niña. During La Niña years, precipitation belts
    shift north, parching the Southwest.

    The latest study investigated the possibility of
    a broader, global climatic mechanism that could
    cause drought. Specifically, they looked at the
    Hadley cell, one of the planet's most powerful
    atmospheric circulation patterns, driving weather
    in the tropics and subtropics.

    Within the cell, air rises at the equator, moves
    toward the poles and descends over the subtropics.

    Increasing levels of greenhouse gases, the
    researchers said, warms the atmosphere, which
    expands the poleward reach of the Hadley cell.
    Dry air, which suppresses precipitation, then
    descends over a wider expanse of the
    Mediterranean region, the Middle East
    and North America.

    All of those areas would be similarly affected,
    though the study examined only the effect on
    North America in a swath reaching from Kansas to
    California and south into Mexico.

    The researchers tested a "middle of the road"
    scenario of future carbon dioxide emissions to
    predict rainfall and evaporation. They assumed
    that emissions would rise until 2050 and then
    decline. The carbon dioxide concentration in the
    atmosphere would be 720 parts per million in
    2100, compared with about 380 parts per million
    today.

    The computer models, on average, found about a
    15% decline in surface moisture ˜ which is
    calculated by subtracting evaporation from
    precipitation ˜ from 2021 to 2040, as compared
    with the average from 1950 to 2000.

    A 15% drop led to the conditions that caused the
    Dust Bowl in the Great Plains and the northern
    Rockies during the 1930s.

    Even without the circulation changes, global
    warming intensifies existing patterns of vapor
    transport, causing dry areas to get drier and wet
    areas to get wetter. When it rains, it is likely
    to rain harder, but scientists said that was
    unlikely to make up for losses from a shifting
    climate.

    Kelly Redmond, deputy director of the Western
    Regional Climate Center in Reno, who was not
    involved in the study, said he thought the region
    would still have periodic wet years that were
    part of the natural climate variation.

    But, he added, "In the future we may see fewer
    such very wet years."

    Although the computer models show the drying has
    already started, they are not accurate enough to
    know whether the drought is the result of global
    warming or a natural variation.

    "It's really hard to tell," said Connie
    Woodhouse, a paleoclimatologist at the University
    of Arizona. "It may well be one of the first
    events we can attribute to global warming."

    The U.S. and southern Europe will be better
    prepared to deal with frequent drought than
    most African nations.

    For the U.S., the biggest problem would be water
    shortages. The seven Colorado River Basin states
    ˜ Colorado, Wyoming, Utah, Nevada, New Mexico,
    Arizona and California ˜ would battle each other
    for diminished river flows.

    Mexico, which has a share of the Colorado River
    under a 1944 treaty and has complained of U.S.
    diversions in the past, would join the struggle.

    Inevitably, water would be reallocated from
    agriculture, which uses most of the West's
    supply, to urban users, drying up farms.
    California would come under pressure to build
    desalination plants on the coast, despite
    environmental concerns.

    "This is a situation that is going to cause water
    wars," said Kevin Trenberth, a scientist at the
    National Center for Atmospheric Research
    in Boulder, Colo.

    "If there's not enough water to meet everybody's
    allocation, how do you divide it up?"

    Officials from seven states recently forged an
    agreement on the current drought, which has left
    the Colorado River's big reservoirs ˜ Lake Powell
    and Lake Mead ˜ about half-empty. Without some
    very wet years, federal water managers say,
    Lake Mead may never refill.

    In the next couple of years, water deliveries may
    have to be reduced to Arizona and Nevada, whose
    water rights are second to California.

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    5) Democrats at War
    WALL STREET JOURNAL
    EDITORIAL
    April 6, 2007; Page A10
    [Via Email from: Walter Lippmann
    walterlx@earthlink.net ...bw]

    Democrats took Congress last fall in part by opposing the war in Iraq,
    but it is becoming clear that they view their election as a mandate for
    something far more ambitious -- to wit, promoting and executing their own
    foreign policy, albeit without the detail of a Presidential election.

    Their intentions were made plain this week with two remarkable acts by their
    House and Senate leaders. Majority Leader Harry Reid endorsed Senator Russ
    Feingold's proposal to withdraw from Iraq immediately, cutting off funds
    entirely within a year. He promised a vote soon, as part of what the
    Washington Post reported would also be a Democratic offensive to close
    Guantanamo, reinstate legal rights for terror suspects, and improve
    relations with Cuba.

    Meanwhile, Speaker Nancy Pelosi made her now famous sojourn to Syria,
    donning a head scarf and advertising that she was conducting shuttle
    diplomacy between Jerusalem and Damascus. If there was any doubt that her
    trip was intended as far more than a routine Congressional "fact-finding"
    trip, House Foreign Affairs Chairman Tom Lantos put it to rest by declaring
    that, "We have an alternative Democratic foreign policy. I view my job as
    beginning with restoring overseas credibility and respect for the United
    States."

    Americans should understand how extraordinary this is. There have been
    previous battles over U.S. foreign policy and fierce domestic criticism.
    In the 1990s, these columns defended Bill Clinton against "the Republican
    drift toward isolationism and political opportunism" amid the Kosovo
    conflict. But rarely in U.S. history have Congressional leaders sought to
    conduct their own independent diplomacy, with the Speaker acting as a Prime
    Minister traveling with a Secretary of State in the person of Mr. Lantos.

    Yes, Congressional Republicans have visited Syria too. But Ms. Pelosi isn't
    some minority back-bencher. Without a Democrat in the White House, she and
    Mr. Reid are the national leaders of their party. Even Newt Gingrich, for
    all his grand domestic ambitions in 1995, took a muted stand on foreign
    policy, realizing that in the American system the executive has the bulk of
    national security power. He also understood he would do the country no
    favors by sending a mixed message to our enemies -- at the time, Slobodan
    Milosevic.

    What was Ms. Pelosi hoping to accomplish, other than embarrassing President
    Bush? "We were very pleased with reassurances we received from the president
    that he was ready to resume the peace process," she told reporters after
    meeting with dictator Bashar Assad. "We expressed our interest in using our
    good offices in promoting peace between Israel and Syria."

    She purported to convey a message from Israel's Ehud Olmert expressing
    similar interest in "the peace process," except that the Israeli Prime
    Minister felt obliged to issue a clarification noting that Ms. Pelosi had
    got the message wrong. Israel hadn't changed its policy, which is that it
    will negotiate only when Mr. Assad repudiates his support for terrorism and
    stops trying to dominate Lebanon. As a shuttle diplomat, Ms. Pelosi needs
    some practice.

    Mr. Lantos probably got closer to their real intentions when he told
    reporters that "This is only the beginning of our constructive dialogue
    with Syria, and we hope to build on it." The Pelosi cavalcade is intended
    to show that if only the Bush Administration would engage in "constructive
    dialogue," the Syrians, Israelis and everyone else could all get along.

    This is the same Syrian regime that has facilitated the movement of money
    and insurgents to kill Americans in Iraq; that has been implicated by a U.N.
    probe in the murder of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri; and that
    has snubbed any number of U.S. overtures since the fall of Saddam Hussein in
    2003. Perhaps if he works hard enough, Mr. Lantos can match the 22 visits to
    Damascus that Bill Clinton's Secretary of State Warren Christopher made in
    the 1990s trying to squeeze peace from that same stone.

    In fact, Ms. Pelosi and Mr. Lantos both voted for the Syria Accountability
    and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2003 that ordered Mr. Bush to
    choose from a menu of six sanctions to impose on Damascus. Mr. Bush chose
    the weakest two sanctions and dispatched a new Ambassador to Syria in a
    goodwill gesture in 2004. Only later, in the wake of the Hariri murder and
    clear intelligence of Syria's role in aiding Iraqi Baathists, did Mr. Bush
    conclude that Mr. Assad's real goal was to reassert control over Lebanon and
    bleed Americans in Iraq.

    With her trip, Ms. Pelosi has now reassured the Syrian strongman that
    Mr. Bush lacks the domestic support to impose any further pressure on his
    country. She has also made it less likely that Mr. Assad will cooperate with
    the Hariri probe, or assist the Iraqi government in defeating Baathist and
    al Qaeda terrorists.
    * * *

    Back in Washington, Harry Reid says his response to Mr. Bush's certain veto
    of his Iraq spending bill will be to escalate. He now supports cutting off
    funds and beginning an immediate withdrawal, even as General David
    Petraeus's surge in Baghdad unfolds and shows signs of promise. If Mr. Bush
    were as politically cynical as Democrats think, he'd let Mr. Reid's policy
    become law. Then Democrats would share responsibility for whatever mayhem
    happened next.

    So this is Democratic foreign policy: Assure our enemies that they can
    ignore a President who still has 21 months to serve; and wash their hands of
    Baghdad and of their own guilt for voting to let Mr. Bush go to war. No
    doubt Democrats think the President's low job approval, and public
    unhappiness with the war, gives them a kind of political immunity. But we
    wonder.

    Once we leave Iraq, America's enemies will still reside in the Mideast; and
    they will be stronger if we leave behind a failed government and bloodbath
    in Iraq. Mr. Bush's successor will have to contain the damage, and that
    person could even be a Democrat. But by reverting to their Vietnam message
    of retreat and by blaming Mr. Bush for all the world's ills, Democrats on
    Capitol Hill may once again convince voters that they can't be trusted with
    the White House in a dangerous world.

    *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*
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    6) Ford Pays Chief $28 Million for 4 Months’ Work
    By NICK BUNKLEY
    April 6, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/06/business/06ford.html?ref=businessspecial

    The Ford Motor Company paid its new chief executive,
    Alan R. Mulally, $28.18 million in his first four months
    on the job, the automaker said in a regulatory filing
    yesterday.

    His compensation included an $18.5 million bonus that
    Ford, which reported a record $12.7 billion loss last
    year, disclosed in September when it hired him from
    Boeing.

    Figures in Ford’s annual proxy statement show that his
    pay was more than three times that of any other executive
    at the company. That includes the executive chairman,
    William Clay Ford Jr., who has kept a 2005 promise not
    to accept any new salary, bonus or stock awards until
    Ford consistently earns a profit.

    The second-highest pay, $8.67 million, was also for only
    a few months’ work; it went to James J. Padilla, who
    retired as president and chief operating officer in July.

    Three executives received bonuses for their roles
    in reducing manufacturing capacity, cutting costs
    and achieving other goals as part of Ford’s overhaul
    plan, known as the Way Forward. The awards were part
    of a retention program that the company recently
    abandoned.

    Mark Fields, president of the Americas division, earned
    $2.29 million of his $5.57 million in total compensation
    from that program. Lewis W. K. Booth, executive vice
    president for Europe, received a $1.7 million retention
    incentive, while Don R. Leclair, Ford’s chief financial
    officer, received $1.32 million.

    Ford said it spent $517,560 to give Mr. Fields use
    of a company jet in 2006, a perk he stopped using
    in January after it received considerable negative
    publicity. Ford now buys first-class commercial airfares
    to fly Mr. Fields from company offices in Dearborn, Mich.,
    to his family’s home in South Florida each weekend.

    Executive compensation at all three Detroit automakers
    has been closely scrutinized since they began revamping
    plans that will close dozens of factories and eliminate
    tens of thousands of jobs. They are trying to overcome
    multibillion-dollar losses and compete better with
    foreign-based rivals like Toyota and Honda.

    This year, as the automakers negotiate a new labor
    agreement with the United Automobile Workers union,
    workers are certain to resist demands for concessions
    if they consider executive salaries to be excessive.

    Union members have criticized the awarding of restricted
    stock option bonuses to top executives at General Motors
    — although G.M. paid no cash bonuses for the second
    consecutive year — and a proposal at Ford to pay bonuses
    to executives there. Ford later announced a program
    to pay modest bonuses of at least $300 to all employees.

    Mr. Mulally earned a base salary of $666,667, or $2 million
    annualized. He was granted a $7.5 million signing bonus
    and $11 million to make up for bonuses and stock options
    he forfeited by leaving Boeing. Ford valued the stock and
    option awards he received last year at $8.68 million.

    In his final year at Boeing, where he headed the commercial
    airplanes division, Mr. Mulally earned a total
    of $9.96 million.

    *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*
    *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    7) Comcast Chief Executive Receives $26 Million
    By GERALDINE FABRIKANT
    March 30, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/30/business/businessspecial/30comcast.pay.html?ex=1176091200&en=a355f91bce1d207c&ei=5070

    The Comcast Corporation, the nation’s largest cable company,
    paid its chief executive, Brian L. Roberts, a total
    of $26 million last year, according to its proxy
    statement released today.

    That figure included a salary of $2.5 million, a bonus
    of $3 million and other payments including a cash
    bonus of $8.4 million.

    Mr. Roberts’s pay exceeded by just $2 million that
    of his father, Ralph J. Roberts, who is chairman
    of the executive and finance committees.

    The pay package for Ralph Roberts, who was a founder
    of the company but is no longer its chief executive
    or chairman, has annoyed some investors over the years.
    Mr. Roberts, who is 87, earned a total of $24.1 million
    last year, a figure that included a salary of $1.8 million,
    an option award of $3.7 million and another payment
    of $10.3 million, which included $4.1 million related
    to life insurance premiums.

    David L. Cohen, the company’s executive vice president,
    defended the compensation structure. "Our compensation
    plan is carefully designed to align executive
    compensation with the company’s annual and long-term
    performance goals and with shareholder interests,”
    he wrote in an e-mail message.

    Comcast’s stock did better last year than it had done
    previously, rising from $17.48 a share at the beginning
    of the year to $28.22 a share at the end of the year.

    In 2005, Glass Lewis & Company, a research firm that
    advises institutional shareholders on governance issues,
    argued that Brian Roberts, his father and three top managers
    were grossly overpaid. At the time several investors said
    privately that they were particularly annoyed that Ralph
    Roberts continued to receive a lucrative pay package when
    he was no longer chairman. In 2005, Comcast stock declined
    21 percent. The company said that a portion of Ralph Roberts’
    pay was determined by arrangements made when he was the
    chief executive.

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    8) No Bonuses for Top G.M. Executives
    By NICK BUNKLEY
    March 29, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/29/business/businessspecial/29gmpay.html?ex=1176091200&en=b3bcb33a8bceaa23&ei=5070

    DETROIT, March 28 — General Motors, which significantly
    improved its financial performance in 2006 yet did not
    earn a profit, said on Wednesday that for a second
    consecutive year, it would not pay cash bonuses
    to top executives.

    Such bonuses would undoubtedly have rankled members
    of the United Automobile Workers union ahead of this
    summer’s contract talks, although a G.M. spokeswoman,
    Renee Rashid-Merem, declined to say whether the pending
    negotiations were a factor.

    “It’s a decision that’s made on an annual basis,”
    Ms. Rashid-Merem said. She added that the decision
    affected about 20 managers, including the chief
    executive, Rick Wagoner, and the vice chairman,
    Robert A. Lutz.

    Full details on executives’ compensation will be
    released next month when the company files its annual
    proxy statement.

    Last week, some U.A.W. members expressed anger
    after G.M. disclosed in regulatory filings that
    Mr. Wagoner and other top executives would receive
    bonuses in the form of restricted stock options.
    G.M. had not awarded stock options since 2003.

    The union, which concluded a two-day collective
    bargaining convention Wednesday in Detroit, also
    grew irritated recently when executives at the
    Ford Motor Company said they were considering
    management bonuses. Instead, Ford said it would
    give bonuses of at least $300 to all employees.

    Union members say the leaders of Detroit’s automakers
    should not receive incentives at a time that they
    are eliminating tens of thousands of jobs and
    cutting benefits for hourly workers and retirees.
    Ford lost $12.7 billion last year, while G.M.
    posted a $2 billion loss.

    G.M.’s decision to forgo cash bonuses this year,
    as it did in 2006 after the company lost $10.4 billion,
    was first reported Wednesday afternoon
    by Bloomberg News.

    During this week’s bargaining convention, the U.A.W.’s
    president, Ron Gettelfinger, repeatedly criticized
    executives at the Delphi Corporation, the auto supplier
    that declared bankruptcy in 2005, for collecting
    bonuses while trying to cut hourly workers’ pay
    and benefits. Delphi says the $37 million in incentive
    pay recently approved by a bankruptcy judge is necessary
    to keep top executives from leaving.

    Mr. Gettelfinger did not specifically disparage executives
    at the automakers, but he made clear that the union intended
    to vigorously fight any demands made during the contract
    talks that workers agree to concessions.

    *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*
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    9) Cuban jet bombing suspect ordered free on bail in U.S.
    "Venezuela and Cuba want Luis Posada Carriles in a 1976 plane bombing
    that killed 73. But in this country, the former CIA operative
    is charged with lying to immigration officials."
    By Carol J. Williams
    Times Staff Writer
    April 7, 2007
    http://www.latimes.com/news/printedition/asection/la-na-posada7apr07,1,7020766.story?coll=la-news-a_section

    MIAMI — A federal judge Friday ordered Cuban militant Luis Posada
    Carriles freed from a New Mexico jail, ruling he be allowed to live
    under electronic surveillance with his family in Miami while awaiting
    trial May 11 on charges of lying to immigration authorities.

    The move to free the 79-year-old, who is suspected of blowing up a
    Cuban airliner in 1976 and bombing Havana hotels in the late 1990s,
    sparked outrage in Cuba. The Communist Party newspaper Granma posted
    the news on its website under a headline that read: "Blackmail Gets
    Results."

    Posada has never been charged in U.S. courts in connection with those
    terrorist acts, his critics contend, because he likely threatened to
    disclose other violence committed during his decades of covert work
    with the CIA.

    A Bay of Pigs veteran who once served time in Panama for plotting to
    kill Cuban leader Fidel Castro, Posada has become a political
    conundrum for the Bush administration. The president and his
    Republican allies have benefited from the support of influential
    Cuban exiles in Miami, many of whom view Posada as a patriotic
    freedom fighter.

    Posada entered the United States illegally in March 2005, about eight
    months after he and three other Florida-based Cuban militants were
    pardoned on illegal weapons and conspiracy charges by outgoing
    Panamanian President Mireya Moscoso.

    The move came four years into Posada's eight-year sentence, and was
    seen as a favor to Bush, whose reelection in November 2004 was riding
    on the continued backing of Miami Cubans.

    The other three men, all U.S. citizens, arrived here to a hero's
    welcome while Posada — Cuban-born and Venezuela-naturalized — made
    his way home clandestinely. Posada held a Miami news conference,
    fueling foreign outcry that the U.S. government was providing refuge
    for a terrorist. He was arrested in May 2005. Cuba and Venezuela want
    Posada extradited to stand trial for the Cubana de Aviacion bombing
    that killed all 73 on board the Caracas to Havana flight.

    Posada escaped from prison in Venezuela in 1985 while he awaited a
    third trial in the jetliner bombing off Barbados. He was acquitted
    twice.

    After his 2005 arrest, Posada first was held in an immigration lockup
    in El Paso — where he told officials he had made his way to the
    United States with the help of a smuggler via Mexico and Texas.

    Cuban media, however, reported that Posada actually was picked up
    from Mexico's Yucatan peninsula by a shrimp boat owned by Cuban
    American developer Santiago Alvarez and brought to a Gulf Coast
    marina. Alvarez is in jail following a guilty plea on weapons
    violations charges.

    The El Paso immigration court ordered Posada deported in September
    2005, but U.S. authorities were unable to persuade any of the seven
    allied countries contacted to accept him. A federal judge ruled that
    he couldn't be extradited to Cuba or Venezuela because of the
    possibility he would be tortured or abused in the custody of those
    governments.

    Last fall, Posada's Miami lawyer, Eduardo Soto, filed a writ of
    habeas corpus seeking his release. Another Texas judge ordered the
    federal government to charge Posada with a crime by Feb. 1 or release
    him.

    Then a federal grand jury in January indicted Posada on immigration
    violations and transferred him to a prison in Otero County, N.M. —
    voiding the deadline by placing him in custody pending a criminal
    proceeding.

    On Friday, shortly before the court closed for Easter weekend, U.S.
    District Judge Kathleen Cardone in El Paso ordered Posada released.
    She did not address a government request to keep him jailed pending
    an appeal.

    Posada's El Paso attorney, Felipe D.J. Millan, could not be reached
    for comment. But he told the Associated Press it was unlikely Posada
    would be released over the holiday weekend.

    "He deserves to go home and live in peace and enjoy his family,"
    Millan said. "Obviously we'll do whatever we need to do to post bond.
    We'll try to get him [out] as soon as possible."

    Cardone's nine-page ruling required Posada to post a $250,000 bond,
    and mandated that his wife and two adult children put up $100,000
    bond to ensure their compliance with other conditions of his release,
    including 24-hour home confinement and wearing an electronic
    monitoring device.

    carol.williams@latimes.com

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    10) City asks court to quit Abu-Jamal case
    By MARYCLAIRE DALE, Associated Press Writer1
    April 6, 2007
    http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20070406/ap_on_re_us/mumia_abu_jamal

    Prosecutors want the entire 3rd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals to recuse
    itself from the latest appeal for death-row inmate Mumia Abu-Jamal because
    Gov. Ed Rendell ˜ whose wife serves on the court ˜ was district attorney
    during his trial.

    Abu-Jamal, a former radio reporter and Black Panther, was convicted in
    1982 of killing a police officer. In his latest appeal, his attorneys say
    prosecutors practiced racial discrimination during jury selection; an
    allegation prosecutors deny.

    "Since Mr. Rendell was the elected district attorney at the time in
    question, and so would have been responsible for the supposed 'routine'
    racially discriminatory practices of Philadelphia prosecutors, Abu-Jamal's
    accusations necessarily implicate Mr. Rendell personally," Assistant
    District Attorney Hugh J. Burns Jr. wrote in a motion last week.

    A federal judge in 2001 overturned Abu-Jamal's death sentence but upheld
    his conviction. Both sides appealed that ruling to the 3rd Circuit, whose
    members include the governor's wife, Marjorie O. Rendell.

    Prosecutors could simply ask for Judge Rendell to recuse herself but they
    want to avoid any possible grounds for a future appeal.

    Abu-Jamal was convicted in the Dec. 9, 1981, shooting death officer Daniel
    Faulkner after the officer pulled over Abu-Jamal's brother. He remains on
    death row during the appeals.

    His writings and taped speeches on the justice system have made Abu-Jamal
    a popular figure among activists who believe he was the victim of a racist
    justice system. Abu-Jamal is black; Faulkner was white.

    Abu-Jamal's lawyer, Robert R. Bryan of San Francisco, opposes Byrne's
    motion, according to court records. He did not return telephone messages
    seeking comment.

    *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*
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    11) Hot and Cold
    Editorial
    April 8,2006
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/opinion/08sun1.html?hp

    Last week began with a Supreme Court decision declaring
    that the federal government had the authority to regulate
    greenhouse gas emissions and all but ordering the Bush
    administration to do so. It ended with a report from
    the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change — the
    world’s authoritative voice on global warming — warning
    that failure to contain these emissions will have
    disastrous environmental effects, especially in poorer
    countries, which are least able to defend themselves
    and their people against the consequences of climate
    change.

    One would hope that these events would shake President
    Bush out of his state of denial and add his authority
    to the chorus of governors, legislators and business
    leaders calling for an aggressive regulatory and
    technological response to the dangers of global warming.
    They haven’t. When asked about the Supreme Court decision,
    the president said he thought he was already doing enough.

    He argued further that there was little point in the
    United States’ doing any more unless other polluters
    like China acted as well. That ignores the reality
    that no developing country is going to move unless
    the United States — which produces one-fourth
    of the world’s emissions with only 5 percent
    of its population — takes the lead.

    The report from the intergovernmental panel was
    the second of three due this year. The first
    concluded with “90 percent certainty” that humans
    had caused the rise in atmospheric temperatures
    over the last half-century. The most recent
    focused on the consequences, few of them positive.

    The northern latitudes will have longer growing
    seasons. But elsewhere climate change will lead
    to more severe storms, the flooding of tropical
    islands and coastlines inhabited by hundreds of
    millions of people, the likely extinction of at
    least one-fourth of the world’s species and,
    in poorer countries in Asia and Africa, drought
    and hunger.

    Some of these changes have begun. “We’re no longer
    arm-waving with models,” said Martin Parry, the
    co-chairman of the team that wrote the report.
    But the report also makes clear that while
    emissions already accumulated in the atmosphere
    make some damage inevitable, the worst can be
    avoided if the world’s nations take swift action
    to stabilize and then reverse emissions.

    What must be avoided, the report said, is a rise
    of 3 to 5 degrees Fahrenheit, the point at which
    truly devastating effects will begin to kick in.
    But such a rise is almost inevitable over the
    next century if the world continues to do
    business as usual.

    The panel’s next paper will discuss alternatives
    to business as usual. These policies will almost
    certainly require a major shift in the way energy
    is produced and used, as well as massive investments
    in new technologies. They will also be expensive.
    But what the world’s scientists are telling us,
    with increasing confidence, is that the costs
    of doing nothing will be far greater than the
    costs of acting now.

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    12) Doctor’s Index Predicts Fate for Migrants in the Desert
    "...more than 100 adult male
    immigrants had died of heatstroke annually in Pima
    County."
    By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
    April 8, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/us/08immig.html

    TUCSON, April 7 (AP) — An emergency room physician
    has devised a scientific index to predict the likelihood
    that illegal immigrants will die while walking through
    the Arizona desert in extreme heat conditions.

    The physician, Dr. Samuel Keim, concluded that the
    probability of death reached 50 percent when the
    temperature climbed to 104 degrees.

    “It’s like a weather forecast,” said the Rev. Robin
    Hoover, whose Humane Borders group maintains water
    stations at desert sites in southern Arizona and
    northern Mexico. “If he can forecast it to the
    U.S. Border Patrol, more of their agents can be
    scattered out looking for people in trouble.”

    Dr. Keim said he hoped to begin issuing daily
    forecasts by May, but he had not determined how
    to disseminate the information and with whom
    to share it.

    “We’re still negotiating that with various different
    entities,” he said, declining to give specifics
    because of worries that the intense political
    debate surrounding illegal immigration could
    scare off participants.

    Deaths of migrants on the Arizona-Mexico border
    have soared in recent years as tighter border
    security sends people to more-remote desert
    areas. Some migrants cross 50 or more miles
    of desert.

    In July 2005, Border Patrol agents recovered
    72 dead illegal immigrants in the agency’s
    Tucson sector. Nearly all died from heat
    exposure.

    Ron Bellavia, commander of the Border Patrol’s
    rescue operations in the Tucson area, said
    an index like Dr. Keim’s “would be an appropriate
    measure to probably reduce exposure or
    environmental injuries.”

    The forecasts could also be shared with groups
    near Mexican migrant-staging areas, where the
    warnings could be posted, Mr. Hoover said.

    For years, the Border Patrol and the Mexican
    government have issued announcements about the
    desert’s heat-related perils, but Dr. Keim said
    he did not know whether migrants read or heeded
    them.

    Dr. Keim matched heatstroke victims with dates
    of death and desert temperatures using data
    collected from 2002 to 2006 in Pima County.

    Dr. Keim, an associate professor at the University
    of Arizona and an emergency room physician in Tucson,
    said that in recent years more than 100 adult male
    immigrants had died of heatstroke annually in Pima
    County.

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    13) Trail of Tears
    By ELIZABETH ROYTE
    (RE: THE LONG EXILE
    A Tale of Inuit Betrayal and Survival in the High Arctic.
    By Melanie McGrath.
    268 pp. Alfred A. Knopf. $24.95.)
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/books/review/Royte.t.html?_r=1&adxnnl=1&oref=slogin&adxnnlx=1176050987-kCJ3ZpwQ2uOi7Yadi5MjcA

    Throughout human history, seemingly simple turns of events
    have changed the fates of individuals and nations. In 1906,
    Thomas Watt Coslett invented a way to keep iron corset
    stays from rusting, and the bottom fell out of the
    whale-bone market. The whalers who remained on the
    eastern shore of Hudson Bay switched to trading for
    the creamy pelts of the Arctic fox, which local Inuit,
    on the Ungava Peninsula, began to trap in ever greater
    numbers. But when prices for skins fell in 1950, at
    a time when fox populations had also crashed, trappers —
    formerly subsistence hunters — moved to trading posts
    and begged rations from the Canadian police.

    Meanwhile the cold war raged, and the Canadian
    government became increasingly concerned about
    its sovereignty in the east Arctic archipelago.
    The United States and Canada jointly ran a weather
    station on Ellesmere Island, but Canadian officials
    wanted permanent residents there. The remedy to both
    the geopolitical and welfare problems was simple:
    uproot the Ungava Inuit and plant them 1,200 miles
    north, on Ellesmere. In “The Long Exile,” Melanie
    McGrath tells the story of this forced relocation —
    a tale of almost unrelenting horror — with so much
    moral vigor and descriptive verve that one quits
    reading only long enough to shake one’s head in
    disbelief. And then, with a shiver, reads on.

    To succeed on Hudson Bay, the Inuit needed to know
    everything about their immediate surroundings: the
    landmarks, the animals’ travel and migration routes,
    the location of fresh-water springs, berries, bird
    eggs and willow-worm cocoons to dip into seal fat
    for dinner. Describing the land’s natural features
    with lyrical precision, McGrath emphasizes that
    the harsh physical realities of this place shaped
    not only how the Inuit lived but also their
    personalities, making a strong case that psychology
    is destiny. At one time, expressing rage, lust or
    ambition were considered so threatening to Inuit
    group survival that persistent offenders were
    banished. But while serenity and self-restraint
    were adaptive in the Inuit’s ancestral environment,
    their unwillingness to speak out, on Ellesmere,
    would almost kill them.

    It was the late summer of 1953 when the Canadian
    government deposited three reluctant Inuit families,
    including a master carver named Paddy Aqiatusuk,
    on a narrow Ellesmere beach. They had been promised
    abundant game and a return ticket in one year’s
    time if they were unhappy. They were, in fact,
    instantly miserable.

    At 81 degrees north latitude, Ellesmere is, McGrath
    notes, the harshest terrain that humans have ever
    continuously inhabited. A high arctic desert, its
    interior is “an impenetrable mass of frozen crags
    and deep fjords.” The Inuit soon learned that marine
    mammals were scarce, as were caribou, fox and fresh
    water. Their clothing wasn’t warm enough, and their
    sleds and harnesses were all wrong for the rocky
    terrain. The rough waters made hunting by kayak
    impossible, and the dry wind made their dogs’ lungs
    bleed. Sufficient snow for snow houses arrived late,
    leaving the settlers in flimsy canvas tents until
    late winter. There wasn’t enough fuel for fires.
    The air was almost 30 degrees colder than back home,
    and the near constant wind made it feel more than
    50 degrees worse. Four months of darkness “made
    hunting an almost daily terror,” McGrath writes.
    Ellesmere supported a small musk ox population,
    but the police detachment, 40 miles from the Inuit
    encampment, forbade killing them. The starving
    Inuit ate bird feathers, made broth from boot
    liners. “The children leaked diarrhea then vomit
    which the women in the camp fed to the dogs rather
    than have it go to waste.”

    Too reticent to complain, even when to save her
    family from starvation, Aqiatusuk’s 6-year-old
    granddaughter was forced onto the ice to hunt in
    total darkness, the Inuit persevered. When they
    finally screwed up their courage and asked to go
    home, the police refused. It was logistically
    complicated: the Inuit must cope. Government careers
    were on the line: the colony had to succeed. Its
    inhabitants were the equivalent of national flags
    fluttering in the wind.

    McGrath, wickedly talented, brings every bit of
    this to life (helped by her Inuit subjects’
    preternatural memory for details). We hear the
    gnash of the ice (“a terrible, raw, geologic sound”),
    feel the pangs of hunger and thirst. We feel, too,
    the Inuit’s aching sense of abandonment and betrayal,
    their utter disorientation in a land where they knew
    nothing of the animal routes, the sea’s eddies and
    currents or the habits of wind and ice. Such details
    are not a matter of comfort, they are a matter
    of survival. McGrath is a meticulous researcher
    — she took the trouble to learn the names and
    colors of lichens that grow on rocks beneath
    bird colonies and fox lookouts — and she writes
    as if she’d lived in the Arctic for years. The
    book moves quickly, to a drumbeat of doom. As
    the Inuit approach their new home, “the frail
    summer had already begun to sicken and the sky
    pressed down on the land like a dead hand.”

    McGrath, who has written three previous books,
    is smart to focus on Aqiatusuk and his extended
    family. They humanize her tale, which includes
    a history of exploration in the eastern Canadian
    Arctic and of the relentless exploitation of Inuits
    by whites. Aqiatusuk was the adoptive father of
    a boy named Josephie, whose real father was the
    American Robert Flaherty, the director of “Nanook
    of the North.” Filmed on the Ungava Peninsula
    in the 1920s, the so-called documentary idealized
    the Inuit as innocents in an unblemished land.
    The movie colored the Western view of Inuit life
    in the Arctic for generations as it traveled the
    globe winning prizes, immortalizing a world that
    never existed. Actually, the Inuit way of life
    was already tainted by white fur traders by the
    time Flaherty arrived (he himself was financially
    backed by a trader), and the film’s starring family
    was entirely contrived, just like the settlement
    on Ellesmere, a place with no history or purpose
    beyond politics. According to McGrath, Flaherty
    made Nanook out of admiration for the Inuit’s “raw
    unquestioning confidence,” qualities shattered by
    the move to Ellesmere. As an adult, Josephie Flaherty,
    whose mother starred in “Nanook” (and cohabited
    with Flaherty), would follow Aqiatusuk to Ellesmere
    and die there, a broken man. But his daughter Martha,
    the child hunter and granddaughter of Robert Flaherty,
    eventually escaped and later forced the Canadian
    government to reckon with its crimes.

    As the years wore on, the Inuit gradually learned
    how to survive on Ellesmere. They constructed huts
    from scrap wood, revamped their sleds and dog harnesses.
    They learned the beluga’s migration route and would
    eventually hunt over a range of 6,864 square miles
    each year. In 1962, the government sent a teacher
    to the island, but only two school books: one on
    how to run a bank, the other called “The Roads
    of Texas.”

    Forty years after the first families left Ungava
    for Ellesmere, the Canadian government held hearings
    to investigate the relocation program. At its conclusion,
    the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples called
    the relocation “one of the worst human rights violations
    in the history of Canada.” The country was shocked
    by the abuse and arrogance of its leaders, who
    eventually made financial reparations of 10 million
    Canadian dollars to the survivors and their families.
    But the government has yet to apologize.

    Elizabeth Royte, whose “Garbage Land: On the Secret
    Trail of Trash,” has recently been published
    in paperback, is a frequent contributor to the Book Review.

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    14) Sociable Darwinism
    By NATALIE ANGIER
    April 8, 2007
    (RE:EVOLUTION FOR EVERYONE
    How Darwin’s Theory Can Change the
    Way We Think About Our Lives.
    By David Sloan Wilson.

    390 pp. Delacorte Press. $24.
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/books/review/Angier.t.html?ref=review

    Just as in the classic clashes of nature, where every
    mutational upgrade in a carnivore’s strength or cunning
    is soon countered by a speedier or more paranoid model
    of antelope, so the pitched struggle between evolutionary
    theory and its deniers has yielded a bristling diversity
    of ploys and counterploys. The heavyhanded biblical
    literalism of creationist science evolves into the
    feints and curlicues of intelligent design, and the
    casual dismissiveness with which scientists long
    regarded the anti-evolutionists gives way to a belated
    awareness that, gee, the public doesn’t seem to realize
    how fatuous the other side is, and maybe it’s time
    to combat the creationist phylum head on. And so,
    over the last few years, scientists have unleashed
    a blitzkrieg of books in defense of Darwinism,
    summarizing the Everest of supportive evidence
    for evolutionary theory, filleting the arguments
    of the naysayers or reciting, yet again, the story
    of Charles Darwin, depressive naturalist extraordinaire,
    whose increasingly pervasive avuncular profile has
    lofted him to logo status on par with Einstein and
    the Nike swoosh.

    David Sloan Wilson, an evolutionary biologist at
    Binghamton University, takes a different and decidedly
    refreshing approach. Rather than catalog its successes,
    denounce its detractors or in any way present
    evolutionary theory as the province of expert tacticians
    like himself, Wilson invites readers inside and shows
    them how Darwinism is done, and at lesson’s end urges
    us to go ahead, feel free to try it at home. The result
    is a sprightly, absorbing and charmingly earnest book
    that manages a minor miracle, the near-complete
    emulsifying of science and the “real world,” ingredients
    too often kept stubbornly, senselessly apart. Only when
    Wilson seeks to add religion to the mix, and to show
    what natural, happy symbionts evolutionary biology
    and religious faith can be, does he begin to sound
    like a corporate motivational speaker or a political
    candidate glad-handing the crowd.

    In Wilson’s view, Darwin’s theory of evolution by
    natural selection has the beauty of being both
    simple and profound. Unlike quantum mechanics or
    the general theory of relativity, the basic concepts
    behind evolutionary theory are easy to grasp; and
    once grasped, he argues, they can be broadly applied
    to better understand ourselves and the world — the
    world both as it is and as it might be, with the
    right bit of well-informed coaxing. Wilson has long
    been interested in the evolution of cooperative and
    altruistic behavior, and much of the book is devoted
    to the premise that “goodness can evolve, at least
    when the appropriate conditions are met.” As he sees
    it, all of life is characterized by a “cosmic” struggle
    between good and evil, the high-strung terms we apply
    to behaviors that are either cooperative or selfish,
    civic or anomic. The constant give-and-take between
    me versus we extends down to the tiniest and most
    primal elements of life. Short biochemical sequences
    may want to replicate themselves ad infinitum, their
    neighboring sequences be damned; yet genes get together
    under the aegis of cells and reproduce in orderly
    fashion as genomes, as collectives of sequences,
    setting aside some of their immediate selfish urges
    for the sake of long-term genomic survival. Cells
    further collude as organs, and organs pool their
    talents and become bodies. The conflict between being
    well behaved, being good, not gulping down more than
    your share, and being selfish enough to get your fair
    share, “is eternal and encompasses virtually all species
    on earth,” he writes, and it likely occurs on any other
    planet that supports life, too, “because it is predicted
    at such a fundamental level by evolutionary theory.”
    How do higher patterns of cooperative behavior emerge
    from aggregates of small, selfish units? With carrots,
    sticks and ceaseless surveillance. In the human body,
    for example, nascent tumor cells arise on a shockingly
    regular basis, each determined to replicate without
    bound; again and again, immune cells attack the
    malignancies, destroying the outlaw cells and themselves
    in the process. The larger body survives to breed, and
    hence spawn a legacy far sturdier than any tumor mass
    could manage.

    As with our bodies, so with our behaviors. Wilson
    explores the many fascinating ways in which humans
    are the consummate group-thinking, team-playing animal.
    The way we point things out to one another, for example,
    is unique among primates. “Apes raised with people
    learn to point for things that they want but never
    point to call the attention of their human caretakers
    to objects of mutual interest,” Wilson writes, “something
    that human infants start doing around their first birthday.”
    The eyes of other apes are dark across their entire span
    and thus are hard to follow, but the contrast between
    the white sclera and colored iris of the human eye makes
    it difficult for people to conceal the direction in which
    they are looking. In the interdependent, egalitarian
    context of the tribe, the ancestral human setting,
    Wilson says, “it becomes advantageous for members
    of the team to share information, turning the eyes
    into organs of communication in addition to organs
    of vision.” Humans are equipped with all the
    dispositional tools needed to establish and maintain
    order in the commons. Studies have revealed a deep
    capacity for empathy, a willingness to trust others
    and become instant best friends; and an equally
    strong urge to punish cheaters, to exact revenge
    against those who buck group rules for private gain.

    Of course, even as humans bond together in groups
    and behave with impressive civility toward their
    neighbors, they are capable of treating those outside
    the group with ruthless savagery. Wilson is not naïve,
    and he recognizes the ease with which humans fall into
    an us-versus-them mind-set. Yet he is a self-described
    optimist, and he believes that the golden circles
    of we-ness, the conditions that encourage entities
    at every stratum of life to stop competing and instead
    pool their labors into a communally acting mega-entity,
    can be expanded outward like ripples on a pond until
    they encompass all of us — that the entire human race
    can evolve the culturally primed if not genetically
    settled incentive to see our futures for what they are,
    inexorably linked on the lone blue planet we share.

    Toward the end of the book he offers a series of
    evolutionarily informed suggestions on how we might
    help widen the geometry of good will, beginning with
    the italicized, boldface pronouncement that “we are
    not fated by our genes to engage in violent conflict.”
    Our bloody past does not foretell an inevitably bloody
    future, and violent behaviors that make grim sense
    in one context can become maladaptive in another.
    “The Vikings of Iceland were among the fiercest people
    on earth, and now they are the most peaceful,” he
    observes. “In principle, it is possible to completely
    eliminate violent conflict by eliminating its preferred
    ‘habitat.’ ” For their universal appeal and basal power
    to harmonize a crowd, he recommends more music and
    dancing and asks, “Could we establish world peace if
    everyone at the United Nations showed up in leotards?”
    He also believes that the world’s religions should
    be tapped for their “wisdom.” This is a fine idea
    in the abstract, but given current events and the
    fissuring of the world along so many theo-sectarian
    lines, I wish we could forgo the sermon and just
    strike up the band.

    Natalie Angier is a science columnist for The Times.
    Her latest book, “The Canon: A Whirligig Tour Through
    the Beautiful Basics of Science,” will be published in May.

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    15) Sweet Little Lies
    By PAUL KRUGMAN
    Op-Ed Columnist
    April 9, 2007
    http://select.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/opinion/09krugman.html?hp

    Four years into a war fought to eliminate a nonexistent
    threat, we all have renewed appreciation for the power
    of the Big Lie: people tend to believe false official
    claims about big issues, because they can’t picture their
    leaders being dishonest about such things.

    But there’s another political lesson I don’t think has
    sunk in: the power of the Little Lie — the small accusation
    invented out of thin air, followed by another, and another,
    and another. Little Lies aren’t meant to have staying power.
    Instead, they create a sort of background hum, a sense that
    the person facing all these accusations must have done
    something wrong.

    For a long time, basically from 9/11 until the last remnants
    of President Bush’s credibility drowned in New Orleans,
    the Bush administration was able to go big on its deceptions.
    Most people found it inconceivable that an American president
    would, for example, assert without evidence that Saddam and
    Al Qaeda were allies. Mr. Bush won the 2004 election because
    a quorum of voters still couldn’t believe he would grossly
    mislead them on matters of national security.

    Before 9/11, however, the right-wing noise machine mainly
    relied on little lies. And now it has returned to its roots.

    The Clinton years were a parade of fake scandals: Whitewater,
    Troopergate, Travelgate, Filegate, Christmas-card-gate.
    At the end, there were false claims that Clinton staff
    members trashed the White House on their way out.

    Each pseudoscandal got headlines, air time and finger-wagging
    from the talking heads. The eventual discovery in each
    case that there was no there there, if reported at all,
    received far less attention. The effect was to make
    an administration that was, in fact, pretty honest and
    well run — especially compared with its successor —
    seem mired in scandal.

    Even in the post-9/11 environment, little lies never
    went away. In particular, promoting little lies seems
    to have been one of the main things U.S. attorneys,
    as loyal Bushies, were expected to do. For example,
    David Iglesias, the U.S. Attorney in New Mexico,
    appears to have been fired because he wouldn’t bring
    unwarranted charges of voter fraud.

    There’s a lot of talk now about a case in Wisconsin,
    where the Bush-appointed U.S. attorney prosecuted the
    state’s purchasing supervisor over charges that a court
    recently dismissed after just 26 minutes of oral
    testimony, with one judge calling the evidence “beyond
    thin.” But by then the accusations had done their job:
    the unjustly accused official had served almost four
    months in prison, and the case figured prominently
    in attack ads alleging corruption in the Democratic
    governor’s administration.

    This is the context in which you need to see the wild
    swings Republicans have been taking at Nancy Pelosi.

    First, there were claims that the speaker of the House
    had demanded a lavish plane for her trips back to
    California. One Republican leader denounced her
    “arrogance of extravagance” — then, when it became
    clear that the whole story was bogus, admitted that
    he had never had any evidence.

    Now there’s Ms. Pelosi’s fact-finding trip to Syria,
    which Dick Cheney denounced as “bad behavior” — unlike
    the visit to Syria by three Republican congressmen
    a few days earlier, or Newt Gingrich’s trip to
    China when he was speaker.

    Ms. Pelosi has responded coolly, dismissing the
    administration’s reaction as a “tantrum.” But it’s
    more than that: the hysterical reaction to her trip
    is part of a political strategy, aided and abetted
    by news organizations that give little lies their
    time in the sun.

    Fox News, which is a partisan operation in all but
    name, plays a crucial role in the Little Lie strategy
    — which is why there is growing pressure on Democratic
    politicians not to do anything, like participating
    in Fox-hosted debates, that helps Fox impersonate
    a legitimate news organization.

    But Fox has had plenty of help. Even Time’s Joe Klein,
    a media insider if anyone is, wrote of the Pelosi trip
    that “the media coverage of this on CNN and elsewhere
    has been abysmal.” For example, CNN ran a segment about
    Ms. Pelosi’s trip titled “Talking to Terrorists.”

    The G.O.P.’s reversion to the Little Lie technique
    is a symptom of political weakness, of a party reduced
    to trivial smears because it has nothing else to offer.
    But the technique will remain effective — and the U.S.
    political scene will remain ugly — as long as many
    people in the news media keep playing along.

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    16) 6-Year-Olds Under Arrest
    By BOB HERBERT
    Op-Ed Columnist
    Avon Park, Fla.
    April 9, 2007
    http://select.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/opinion/09herbert.html?hp

    When 6-year-old Desre’e Watson threw a tantrum in her
    kindergarten class a couple of weeks ago she could not
    have known that the full force of the law would be
    brought down on her and that she would be carted off
    by the police as a felon.

    But that’s what happened in this small, backward city
    in central Florida. According to the authorities,
    there were no other options.

    “The student became violent,” said Frank Mercurio,
    the no-nonsense chief of the Avon Park police.
    “She was yelling, screaming — just being
    uncontrollable. Defiant.”

    “But she was 6,” I said.

    The chief’s reply came faster than a speeding bullet:
    “Do you think this is the first 6-year-old we’ve
    arrested?”

    The child’s tantrum occurred on the morning of March 28
    at the Avon Elementary School. According to the police
    report, “Watson was upset and crying and wailing and
    would not leave the classroom to let them study, causing
    a disruption of the normal class activities.”

    After a few minutes, Desre’e was, in fact, taken to
    another room. She was “isolated,” the chief said.
    But she would not calm down. She flailed away at the
    teachers who tried to control her. She pulled one
    woman’s hair. She was kicking.

    I asked the chief if anyone had been hurt. “Yes,”
    he said. At least one woman reported “some redness.”

    After 20 minutes of this “uncontrollable” behavior,
    the police were called in. At the sight of the two
    officers, Chief Mercurio said, Desre’e “tried to
    take flight.”

    She went under a table. One of the police officers
    went after her. Each time the officer tried to grab
    her to drag her out, Desre’e would pull her legs
    away, the chief said.

    Ultimately the child was no match for Avon Park’s
    finest. The cops pulled her from under the table
    and handcuffed her. The officers were not fooling
    around. In the eyes of the cops the 6-year-old was
    a criminal, and in Avon Park she would be treated
    like any other felon.

    There was a problem, though. The handcuffs were
    not manufactured with kindergarten kids in mind.
    The chief explained: “You can’t handcuff them on
    their wrists because their wrists are too small,
    so you have to handcuff them up by their biceps.”

    As I sat listening to Chief Mercurio in a spotless,
    air-conditioned conference room at the Avon Park
    police headquarters, I had the feeling that I had
    somehow stumbled into the middle of a skit on
    “Saturday Night Live.” The chief seemed like the
    most reasonable of men, but what was coming out
    of his mouth was madness.

    He handed me a copy of the police report: black
    female. Six years old. Thin build. Dark complexion.

    Desre’e was put in the back of a patrol car and
    driven to the police station. “Then,” said Chief
    Mercurio, “she was transported to central booking,
    which is the county jail.”

    The child was fingerprinted and a mug shot was taken.
    “Those are the normal procedures for anyone who
    is arrested,” the chief said.

    Desre’e was charged with battery on a school official,
    which is a felony, and two misdemeanors: disruption
    of a school function and resisting a law enforcement
    officer. After a brief stay at the county jail,
    she was released to the custody of her mother.

    The arrest of this child, who should have been placed
    in the care of competent, comforting professionals
    rather than being hauled off to jail, is part of
    an outlandish trend of criminalizing very young
    children that has spread to many school districts
    and law enforcement agencies across the country.

    A highly disproportionate number of those youngsters,
    like Desre’e, are black. In Baltimore last month,
    the police arrested, handcuffed and hauled away
    a 7-year-old black boy for allegedly riding a dirt
    bike on the sidewalk. The youngster was released
    and the mayor, Sheila Dixon, apologized for the
    incident, saying the arrest was inappropriate.

    Last spring a number of civil rights organizations
    collaborated on a study of disciplinary practices
    in Florida schools and concluded that many of them,
    “like many districts in other states, have turned
    away from traditional education-based disciplinary
    methods — such as counseling, after-school detention,
    or extra homework assignments — and are looking
    to the legal system to handle even the most minor
    transgressions.”

    Once you adopt the mindset that ordinary childhood
    misbehavior is criminal behavior, it’s easy to start
    seeing young children as somehow monstrous.

    “Believe me when I tell you,” said Chief Mercurio,
    “a 6-year-old can inflict injury to you just
    as much as any other person.”

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    17) Guantánamo Detainees Stage Hunger Strike
    By TIM GOLDEN
    April 9, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/us/09hunger.html

    A long-term hunger strike has broken out at the American
    detention center at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba, with more than
    a dozen prisoners subjecting themselves to daily force-
    feeding to protest their treatment, military officials
    and lawyers for the detainees say.

    Lawyers for several hunger strikers said their clients’
    actions were driven by harsh conditions in a new maximum
    security complex. About 160 of the roughly 385 Guantánamo
    detainees have been moved to the complex since December.

    Thirteen detainees are now on hunger strikes, the largest
    number to endure the force-feeding regimen on an extended
    basis since early 2006, when the military broke a long-
    running strike with a new policy of strapping prisoners
    into restraint chairs while they are fed by plastic
    tubes inserted through their nostrils.

    The hunger strikers are now monitored so closely that
    they have virtually no chance to starve themselves.
    Yet their persistence underscores how the struggle
    between detainees and guards at Guantánamo has
    continued even as the military has tightened its
    control in the past year.

    “We don’t have any rights here, even after your Supreme
    Court said we had rights,” one hunger striker, Majid
    al-Joudi, told a military doctor, according to medical
    records released recently under a federal court order.
    “If the policy does not change, you will see a big
    increase in fasting.”

    A military spokesman at Guantánamo, Cmdr. Robert Durand
    of the Navy, played down the significance of the current
    strike, calling the prisoners’ complaints “propaganda.”

    But the protests come as criticism of Guantánamo
    continues to rise in the United States and abroad. Last
    week, after the Supreme Court denied a new appeal
    on behalf of the detainees, the head of the International
    Committee of the Red Cross delivered a rare public
    reprimand to the Bush administration, saying the
    prisoners’ ability to contest their detention was
    inadequate.

    Newly released Pentagon documents show that during
    earlier hunger strikes, before the use of the restraint
    chairs, some detainees lost more than 30 pounds in
    a matter of weeks. By comparison, the current hunger
    strike — in which 12 of the 13 detainees were being
    force-fed as of Friday — seems almost symbolic.

    For instance, the medical records for Mr. Joudi,
    a 36-year-old Saudi, showed that when he was hospitalized
    on Feb. 10, he had been fasting for 31 days and had
    lost more than 15 percent of his body weight.

    By the time he was transferred a few days later to
    a “feeding block” where more serious hunger strikers
    are segregated from other prisoners, his condition
    had stabilized and his weight was nearly back to an
    ideal level for a man his size. (His exact weight
    gain was not recorded.) Mr. Joudi was subsequently
    flown home and turned over to the Saudi authorities,
    his lawyer said.

    Lawyers for several detainees held in the new maximum
    security complex, known as Camp 6, compared it to
    “supermax” prisons in the United States. The major
    differences, they said, are that the detainees have
    limited reading material and no television, and only
    10 of the Guantánamo prisoners have been charged.

    The Camp 6 inmates are generally locked in their
    8-foot-by-10-foot cells for at least 22 hours a day,
    emerging only to exercise in small wire cages and
    to shower. Besides those times, they can talk with
    other prisoners only by shouting through food slots
    in the steel doors of their cells.

    “My wish is to die,” one reported hunger striker
    in the camp, Adnan Farhan Abdullatif, a 27-year old
    Yemeni, told his lawyer on Feb. 27, according
    to recently declassified notes of the meeting.
    “We are living in a dying situation.”

    Commander Durand, the Guantánamo spokesman, dismissed
    such accounts as part of an effort by the prisoners
    and their lawyers to discredit the detention mission.
    He described the new unit as much more comfortable
    than the detainees’ previous quarters, and denied
    that they suffered any greater sense of isolation
    in the new cell blocks.

    “This was designed to improve living conditions,”
    Commander Durand said, “and we think it has.”

    Camp 6 was originally designed as a modern, medium-
    security prison complex for up to 200 inmates, with
    common areas where they could gather for meals and
    a large fenced athletic field where they could jog
    or play soccer outside the high concrete walls.

    But after a riot last May and the suicides of three
    prisoners in June, the unit was retrofitted before
    opening to limit the detainees’ freedom and reduce
    the risk that they might hurt themselves or attack
    guards, military officials said.

    As Camp 6 was opening, senior officials expressed
    concern about how prisoners would react to its greater
    isolation. Most had been held in makeshift blocks
    of wire-mesh cells that — while often hot, noisy and
    lacking privacy — allowed them to communicate easily,
    pray together and even pass written messages.

    Guantánamo’s other maximum-security unit, Camp 5,
    has cells that face each other across a short hallway,
    allowing the roughly 100 detainees there to converse
    fairly easily. In Camp 6, the prisoners can see one
    another from their cells only when one of them is being
    moved. At other times, they look out on the stainless-
    steel picnic tables in the common areas they are not
    allowed to use.

    Lawyers for several Camp 6 detainees said their clients
    were despondent about the move even though, as military
    officials note, the new cells are 27 square feet larger
    than the old ones and have air-conditioning, nicer toilets
    and sinks, and a small desk anchored to the wall.

    “They’re just sitting on a powder keg down there,” said
    one lawyer, Sabin Willett, who, like others, described
    growing desperation among the prisoners. “You’re going
    to have an insane asylum.”

    Lawyers who visited Guantánamo recently said the detainees
    reported a higher number of hunger strikers than had
    the military — perhaps 40 or more. Military officials said
    there were sometimes “stealth hunger strikers,” who pretend
    to eat or surreptitiously vomit after eating, but they
    dismissed the detainees’ estimates as exaggerations.

    Because reporters are prevented from speaking with detainees
    or visiting most of their cell blocks, it is difficult
    to verify the conflicting accounts.

    Hunger strikes have been part of life at Guantánamo
    almost since the detention center opened in January 2002.

    They reached a peak in September 2005, when more than
    130 detainees were classified as hunger strikers,
    having refused at least nine consecutive meals, military
    records show. As the strikes went on, some detainees
    being force-fed continued to lose weight by vomiting
    or siphoning their stomachs with the feeding tubes.
    But by early February 2006, shortly after the military
    began using restraint chairs during the forced feedings,
    the number of hunger strikers plunged to three.

    The number rose again sharply but briefly last May,
    reaching 86 after three detainees attempted suicide
    and a riot broke out as the guards searched for contraband.
    Yet even then, no more than seven strikers were forced
    into the restraint chair regimen.

    Three detainees who had been hunger strikers hung
    themselves on June 10. After July, no more than three
    detainees subjected themselves to extended forced feeding.

    That number began to grow again as detainees were
    moved into Camp 6 in December. By mid-March, the
    number of hunger strikers reached 17. For the first
    time, as many as 15 detainees continued with the
    strikes despite being force-fed in the restraint
    chairs.

    Military officials have described the restraint chair
    regimen as unpleasant but necessary. They originally
    said prisoners needed to be restrained while digesting,
    so they could not purge what they were fed.

    Now, the rationale has changed. The restraints are
    generally applied “for safety of the detainee and
    medical staff,” records show, and they are kept on
    for as little as 15 minutes at a time, rather than
    the two hours commonly used before. Afterward, the
    prisoners are moved to a “dry cell” and monitored
    to make sure they do not vomit.

    Even so, some detainees describe the experience as
    painful, even gruesome.

    One Sudanese detainee, Sami al-Hajj, a 38-year-old
    former cameraman for Al Jazeera, described feeling
    at one point that he could not bear the tube for another
    instant. “I said I would begin to scream unless they
    took it out,” he wrote in a recent diary entry given
    to his lawyer. “They finally did.”

    Stephen H. Oleskey, who represents Saber Lahmar, an
    Algerian religious scholar whom military officials
    accused of propagating a religious legal ruling that
    was linked to the suicides, said of his client: “The
    man has been in segregation — virtual isolation —
    for over nine months. Physically and emotionally,
    he’s collapsing. We think this punishment does
    exceed what the law allows, and that he won’t
    survive.”

    Military officials said Mr. Lahmar and other detainees
    had received adequate medical attention.

    Margot Williams and William Glaberson contributed reporting.

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    18) Army Is Cracking Down on Deserters
    By PAUL von ZIELBAUER
    April 9, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/us/09awol.html?ref=us

    Army prosecutions of desertion and other unauthorized
    absences have risen sharply in the last four years,
    resulting in thousands more negative discharges and
    prison time for both junior soldiers and combat-tested
    veterans of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, Army
    records show.

    The increased prosecutions are meant to serve as a
    deterrent to a growing number of soldiers who are
    ambivalent about heading — or heading back — to Iraq
    and may be looking for a way out, several Army lawyers
    said in interviews. Using courts-martial for these
    violations, which before 2002 were treated mostly
    as unpunished nuisances, is a sign that active-duty
    forces are being stretched to their limits, military
    lawyers and mental health experts said.

    “They are scraping to get people to go back, and people
    are worn out,” said Dr. Thomas Grieger, a senior Navy
    psychiatrist. Though there are no current studies to
    show how combat stress affects desertion rates, Dr. Grieger
    cited several examples of soldiers absconding or refusing
    to return to Iraq because of psychiatric reasons brought
    on by wartime deployments.

    At an Army base in Alaska last year, for example, “there
    was one guy who literally chopped off his trigger finger
    with an axe to prevent his deployment,” Dr. Grieger said
    in an interview.

    The Army prosecuted desertion far less often in the late
    1990s, when desertions were more frequent, than it does
    now, when there are comparatively fewer.

    From 2002 through 2006, the average annual rate of Army
    prosecutions of desertion tripled compared with the five-
    year period from 1997 to 2001, to roughly 6 percent
    of deserters, from 2 percent, Army data shows.

    Between these two five-year spans — one prewar and one
    during wartime — prosecutions for similar crimes,
    like absence without leave or failing to appear for
    unit missions, have more than doubled, to an average
    of 390 per year from an average of 180 per year,
    Army data shows.

    In total, the Army since 2002 has court-martialed
    twice as many soldiers for desertion and other unauthorized
    absences as it did on average each year between 1997
    and 2001. Deserters are soldiers who leave a post
    or fail to show up for an assignment with the intent
    to stay away. Soldiers considered absent without leave,
    or AWOL, which presumes they plan to return, are classified
    as deserters and dropped from a unit’s rolls after 30 days.

    Most soldiers who return from unauthorized absences
    are punished and discharged. Few return to regular duty.

    Officers said the crackdown reflected an awareness by
    top Army and Defense Department officials that desertions,
    which occurred among more than 1 percent of the active-duty
    force in 2000 for the first time since the post-Vietnam era,
    were in a sustained upswing again after ebbing in 2003,
    the first year of the Iraq war.

    At the same time, the increase highlights a cycle long
    known to Army researchers: as the demand for soldiers
    increases during a war, desertions rise and the Army
    tends to lower enlistment standards, recruiting more
    people with questionable backgrounds who are far more
    likely to become deserters.

    In the 2006 fiscal year, 3,196 soldiers deserted, the
    Army said, a figure that has been climbing since the 2004
    fiscal year, when 2,357 soldiers absconded. In the first
    quarter of the current fiscal year, which began Oct. 1,
    871 soldiers deserted, a rate that, if it stays on pace,
    would produce 3,484 desertions for the fiscal year, an
    8 percent increase over 2006.

    The Army said the desertion rate was within historical
    norms, and that the surge in prosecutions, which are
    at the discretion of unit commanders, was not a surprise
    given the impact that absent soldiers can have during
    wartime.

    “The nation is at war, and the Army treats the offense
    of desertion more seriously,” Maj. Anne D. Edgecomb,
    an Army spokeswoman, said. “The Army’s leadership will
    take whatever measures they believe are appropriate
    if they see a continued upward trend in desertion,
    in order to maintain the health of the force.”

    Army studies and interviews also suggest a link between
    the rising rate of desertions and the expanding use
    of moral waivers to recruit people with poor academic
    records and low-level criminal convictions. At least
    1 in 10 deserters surveyed after returning to the Army
    from 2002 to mid-2004 required a waiver to enter the
    service, a report by the Army Research Institute found.

    “We’re enlisting more dropouts, people with more law
    violations, lower test scores, more moral issues,”
    said a senior noncommissioned officer involved in
    Army personnel and recruiting. “We’re really scraping
    the bottom of the barrel trying to get people to join.”
    (Army officials agreed to discuss the issue on the
    condition that they not be quoted by name.)

    The officer said the Army National Guard last week
    authorized 34 states and Guam to enlist the lowest-
    ranking group of eligible recruits, those who scored
    between 16 and 30 on the armed services aptitude test.
    Federal law bars recruits who scored lower than
    16 from enlisting.

    Desertions, while a chronic problem for the Army,
    are nowhere near as common as they were at the height
    of the Vietnam War. From 1968 to 1971, for instance,
    about 5 percent of enlisted men deserted.

    But the rate of desertion today, after four years
    of fighting two ground wars, is “being taken much more
    seriously because we were losing so many soldiers out
    of the Army that there was a recognized need to attack
    the problem from a different way,” said an Army criminal
    defense lawyer.

    In interviews, the lawyer and two other Army lawyers
    each traced the spike in prosecutions to a policy
    change at the beginning of 2002 that required
    commanders to welcome back soldiers who deserted
    or went AWOL.

    Before that, most deserters, who are often young,
    undistinguished soldiers who have fallen out of favor
    with their sergeants, were given administrative
    separations and sent home with other-than-honorable
    discharges.

    The new policy, ordered by the secretary of the army,
    effectively eliminated the incentive among squad
    sergeants to urge returning AWOL soldiers to stay
    away for at least 30 days, when they would be
    classified as deserters under the old rules and
    dropped from the roll.

    But some unit commanders, wary of scrutiny from
    their superiors, go out of their way to improperly
    keep deserted soldiers on their rosters, and on
    the Army’s payroll, two officers said in interviews.
    To counter that, the Army adopted a new policy
    in January 2005 requiring commanders to formally
    report absent soldiers within 48 hours.

    Such problems are costly. From October 2000 to
    February 2002, the Army improperly paid more than
    $6.6 million to 7,544 soldiers who had deserted
    or were otherwise absent, according to a July 2006
    report by the Government Accountability Office.

    Most deserters list dissatisfaction with Army
    life or family problems as primary reasons for
    their absence, and most go AWOL in the United
    States. But since 2003, 109 soldiers have been
    convicted of going AWOL or deserting war zones
    in Iraq or Afghanistan, usually during their
    scheduled two-week leaves in the United States,
    Army officials said.

    With the Iraq war in its fifth year, a new subset
    of deserter is emerging, military doctors and
    lawyers said: accomplished soldiers who abscond
    reluctantly, as a result of severe emotional
    trauma from their battle experiences.

    James, a 26-year-old paratrooper twice deployed
    to Iraq and Afghanistan, went AWOL in July after
    being reassigned to Fort Bliss, Tex., an Army
    post in the mountainous high-desert region near
    El Paso.

    “The places I was in in Iraq and Afghanistan look
    exactly like Fort Bliss,” said James, who agreed
    to talk about his case on the condition that his
    last name not be printed. “It starts messing with
    your head — ‘I’m really back there.’ ”

    In December, he and another deserter, Ronnie, 28,
    who also asked that his last name not be used,
    tried to surrender to the authorities at Fort
    Bliss. A staff sergeant told them not to bother,
    James said.

    James and Ronnie, who both have five years of service,
    suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder and abuse
    alcohol to self-medicate, said Dr. David M. Walker,
    a former Air Force psychiatrist who has examined
    both men.

    With help from lawyers, James and Ronnie returned
    to Fort Bliss on Tuesday. They were charged with
    desertion and face courts-martial and possibly
    a few months in a military brig.

    “If I could stay in the military, get help, that’s
    what I want,” said Ronnie, who completed an 18-month
    combat tour in Kirkuk, Iraq, with the 25th Infantry
    Division in 2004.

    The Army said combat-related stress had not caused
    many soldiers to desert.

    Major Edgecomb, the spokeswoman, said more than
    80 percent of the past year’s deserters had been
    soldiers for less than three years, and could not
    have been deployed more than once.

    Morten G. Ender, a sociologist at the United States
    Military Academy at West Point, said soldiers’
    decisions to go AWOL or desert might come in response
    to a family crisis — a threat by a spouse to leave
    if they deploy again, for instance, or a child-
    custody battle.

    “It’s not just that they don’t want to be in a war
    zone anymore,” Dr. Ender said. “We saw that a lot
    during Vietnam, and we see that a lot in the military now.”

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    19) CLOSE CONTACT
    To Woo Afghan Locals,
    U.S. Troops Settle In
    Tactic Wins Friends,
    Isolates Insurgents,
    But Boosts Casualties
    By MICHAEL M. PHILLIPS
    April 9, 2007; Page A1
    WALL STREET JOURNAL
    [VIA Email from: Walter Lippmann
    walterlx@earthlink.net ...bw]

    WAYGAL, Afghanistan -- One sunny morning last month, a group of
    bearded men stood beside the gurgling Waygal River and stared as a
    helicopter loaded with heavily armed Americans dropped out of the
    sky and into their cornfield. The moment the rear ramp opened, the
    soldiers ran for cover behind stone terraces and leafless trees.

    They had reason to be wary. These mountains are notorious for
    sheltering Taliban and al Qaeda fighters, and the soldiers were the
    first Americans to set foot in Waygal since the Afghan war began in
    2001.

    But instead of a hail of bullets, the soldiers got an invitation to
    dinner. When First Lt. Eric Malmstrom, a fresh-faced University of
    Pennsylvania graduate, approached the hirsute reception committee,
    village leader Ghulam Sakhi's most pressing question was, "Why didn't
    you come sooner?"

    A year ago, U.S. commanders here would have been reluctant to insert
    a small force of infantrymen into a remote village. But, along the
    Pech River and tributaries such as the Waygal, one 750-man U.S. Army
    battalion is trying a risky, grueling way to isolate the insurgents
    and win the support of the villagers. Instead of operating out of
    safe rear bases and commuting to the war, for the past year the
    soldiers of the First Battalion, 32nd Infantry Regiment have lived on
    the battlefield, in a series of small, rudimentary encampments
    situated among the disputed villages themselves.

    It's an intimate style of warfare and, for the Americans, a brutal
    one. They go weeks without showers or decent food. They live every
    day exposed to enemy fire, and it has cost them dearly. Over the past
    year, 1-32 has lost 19 men, almost half of the deaths in the entire
    5,000-man brigade.

    The Americans and their Afghan National Army allies live among the
    people on the valley floor, while the insurgents -- Taliban, al Qaeda
    and other fighters of various stripes -- are up in the steep, rocky
    ridges. When the insurgents attack, they fire down on American
    soldiers and Afghan civilians alike. "The semiotics of it are great,"
    says Lt. Col. Chris Cavoli, commander of 1-32, a unit of the 10th
    Mountain Division. "You can't buy press like that. The way the fight
    is constructed is to deliver one message: We're here to protect you,
    and the bad guys are here to ruin your lives."

    The battalion's progress comes amid warnings that elsewhere in
    Afghanistan, the Taliban are resurgent and public faith is sagging in
    the government of President Hamid Karzai. The United Nations
    secretary general reported last month that the insurgents are
    "emboldened by their strategic successes, rather than disheartened by
    tactical failures." A February study by the Center for Strategic and
    International Studies, a Washington think tank, said the situation in
    Afghanistan is "both more perilous and more complex" than at any
    other time since the U.S.-led coalition toppled the Taliban regime
    after Sept. 11, 2001.

    Critics say the setbacks have come in part because the U.S., distracted
    by the war in Iraq, has too little manpower in Afghanistan to engage in
    community policing.

    Striking Results

    Here, however, the results are striking. A year ago, the Pech Valley,
    the main artery through the area, was a gantlet of roadside bombings
    and rocket-propelled grenade fire. Lately there have been just two or
    three roadside bombs a month, and the locals frequently report them
    to Afghan or U.S. troops before they explode.

    A year ago, it took five hours to drive the 19 miles from Asadabad,
    the nearest big town, to Nangalam, site of the nearest sizable U.S.
    military base. The road was little more than a goat trail. Now a
    U.S.-funded, $7.5 million project is turning it into a two-lane,
    paved road connecting the Pech Valley to, in effect, the rest of the
    world.

    Col. Cavoli, a 42-year-old Princeton graduate who spent much of his
    youth in Italy, argues that the key to defeating the insurgents is
    having a "persistent presence" among the people, not just "persistent
    raiding." Placing American and Afghan troops around villages creates
    a security bubble, he says, that allows the U.S. to pour money into
    economic-development projects.

    "The basic idea is to kill the enemy to convince the people that you
    can and will protect them," says the colonel, a compact man with
    receding hair and an easy grin. "Then in the breathing space created,
    you've got to do something to connect the people to the government."

    The road is central to Col. Cavoli's strategy: It demonstrates the
    goodwill of the American and Afghan governments by giving the
    residents a commercial link they desperately need. Already, a hotel
    is under construction in Nangalam and gas stations are appearing
    along the river. Once the hard surface is in place, it will be more
    difficult for insurgents to plant roadside bombs.

    The construction provides jobs to hundreds of local men who might
    otherwise be tempted to join the insurgency. And the road lures the
    insurgents out of the mountains in a way that, Army officers argue,
    will inevitably alienate them further from the population. The road
    is popular with the locals; attacking it is not. The Americans now
    plan more roads, including a $7.5 million stretch to Waygal, the
    village where Lt. Malmstrom and his men landed recently.

    In December, the Army and Marine Corps issued a new counterinsurgency
    doctrine that closely hews to Col. Cavoli's approach, arguing that
    killing the enemy is less important than building ties to the local
    populace -- and to do that, American troops may have to take on more
    risk themselves. "If military forces remain in their compounds, they
    lose touch with the people, appear to be running scared and cede the
    initiative to the insurgents," the new manual says.

    Col. Cavoli is "on the cutting edge of a new approach to
    counterinsurgency," says Col. John Nicholson, commander of the 3rd
    Brigade Combat Team. Col. Nicholson's brigade, which includes 1-32,
    has tripled the number of outposts it inherited from the units it
    replaced last year. But 1-32 did so in the most hostile part of the
    brigade's turf. "There is no better case study of modern
    counterinsurgency than the recent performance" of Col. Cavoli's men,
    Col. Nicholson says.

    Over the past couple of months, the Army has tried to put the tactic
    to work in Iraq, as part of its desperate effort to quell insurgency
    and sectarian violence in Baghdad. U.S. commanders there are setting
    up neighborhood security stations, manned by Americans and Iraqis,
    but it is still too early to see the results. Applying the technique
    in Iraq is complicated because much of the mayhem is between one
    Iraqi faction and another. U.S. troops are caught in the middle,
    supporting an Iraqi government that many Sunni Muslims suspect is the
    tool of their Shiite Muslim rivals.

    Even replicating the battalion's progress elsewhere in Afghanistan
    would be difficult. Col. Cavoli's 750 men have spent a year fighting
    for public acceptance along just a few dozen miles of river valleys.
    The military's counterinsurgency doctrine specifies that, at a
    minimum, one soldier is required for every 50 residents. Although the
    insurgency is concentrated in the east and south, applying the
    formula to the entire country would require more than 600,000 troops,
    a force a dozen times the size of the international coalition now in
    Afghanistan.

    Nonetheless, the Pentagon has taken notice of 1-32's gains, and Col.
    Cavoli's next posting will be to teach counterinsurgency techniques
    to officers from other NATO nations, which make up about half of the
    coalition in Afghanistan.

    For 1-32, the tactic developed almost by accident. The battalion
    arrived in Afghanistan in early 2006, and it soon became apparent to
    Col. Cavoli that the Pech Valley would have to be the focus of his
    efforts.

    The Marines they replaced had fought out of two large bases, in
    Asadabad, where the Pech empties into another river, and upstream
    near Nangalam. When the Marines attacked, the insurgents would fade
    away, only to return to the valley as soon as the Americans went back
    to their bases, according to Col. Cavoli.

    Last April, he ordered one of his company commanders to fight his way
    west and set up temporary outposts on the Pech between Asadabad and
    Nangalam. At Patrol Base California, one of several along the river,
    soldiers lived in the open -- rain, snow or sun -- and slept next to
    their Humvees, using large, dirt-filled barriers to shield them from
    insurgent attacks. They did without showers and ate packaged meals.

    It was supposed to be a short-term fix. Days stretched into weeks and
    weeks into months, however, as Col. Cavoli realized that his best
    hope of separating the insurgents from the locals was to keep his men
    in place. These days they have cots and have built themselves
    cramped, sandbag bunkers with plywood roofs. But when it rains, their
    hooches run deep with mud or water, and the small weight-lifting pit
    turns into a café-au-lait pool.

    Fending for Themselves

    The men still clean themselves with baby wipes and use half of a
    55-gallon drum as a toilet. Every couple of days they get trays of
    hot food trucked in, but they frequently fend for themselves,
    grilling pizzas, toasting biscuits or deep-frying chicken patties
    over an open fire. Unlike at the major bases, there is no Internet or
    phone service, no refuge from the war.

    "I live like an animal here," says Spc. Marcus Whited, a 26-year-old
    from Wichita, Kan., manning a machine gun atop a Humvee at the camp
    entrance. "I've never in my life smelled odors like this."

    When the soldiers got word in January that their yearlong combat tour
    would be extended by four months, the colonel gave orders that each
    platoon rotate to Asadabad every two weeks for showers and a couple
    of days of rest.

    "It's a hell of a thing to ask men to live like that day after day
    after day," Col. Cavoli says. But it's no accident; the colonel
    doesn't want his men living visibly better than their Afghan
    neighbors.

    The men at Patrol Base California have been in some 60 firefights.
    Usually, insurgents move out of the mountains to stony redoubts on
    the ridges overlooking the U.S. positions, then open fire with
    machine guns, rifles and rocket-propelled grenades. The Americans,
    and the Afghan soldiers who share their encampments, return fire with
    machine guns, automatic grenade launchers, mortars and missiles.
    Howitzers located in big bases miles away rain shells down on the
    mountaintops until the insurgents die or withdraw.

    The proximity of the soldiers to the local residents has indeed led
    to the intimacy that Col. Cavoli seeks. First Lt. Michael Harrison, a
    platoon leader in the battalion's Dog Company, studied law and
    nuclear engineering at West Point, where he was a minor troublemaker,
    doing punishment marches for such offenses as keeping a rice cooker
    in his room. But along the Pech River, the 25-year-old has a fan club
    of neighborhood urchins -- a counterweight to insurgent propaganda
    that, the military says, claims the Americans are here to convert
    Muslims to Christianity and eat their children.

    When the lieutenant approaches Patrol Base California, he lowers the
    bullet-proof window on his Humvee, reaches out and slaps high-fives
    with the children. "Michael!" they shout as he passes, mimicking his
    two-finger peace sign.

    "Whassup, Hussein? Haircut!" Lt. Harrison says to a close-shaved
    orphan boy in a dirty-white jersey and loose trousers. He gives a set
    of baby bottles to a boy whose sister died after giving birth.

    When he isn't patrolling, the lieutenant spends much of his time
    sounding out the locals, listening to their troubles and trying to
    arrange solutions. One recent day he sat on a bit of carpet, sipping
    sweet yellow tea with a group of police auxiliary officers outside
    their sandbagged station. Ras Mohamed, a 34-year-old police chief,
    pointed across the Pech to a small brown-brick house, halfway up the
    valley wall.

    "Last year the enemy was coming all the way down there and shooting
    at jingle trucks," he said, referring to the decorated freight trucks
    seen everywhere in Afghanistan. "Now they don't dare."

    Authority of Elders

    Another day Lt. Harrison chatted up village elders in a small police
    bunker along the river. The Afghans talked about how they used to set
    up roadblocks along the valley and ambush Russian tanks with
    rocket-propelled grenades during the 10-year war with the Soviet
    Union.

    "We never talked to them; we just shot at them," said Mohammad
    Shareen, a 45-year-old elder wearing a black watch cap with a Nike
    swoosh.

    The soldiers intentionally reinforce the authority of elders, who
    traditionally have the power to expel or ostracize miscreants and can
    serve as a bulwark against younger, hotter heads. The U.S. required
    the Afghan road contractor to hire at least 450 workers from the Pech
    Valley itself, but left it to the elders to decide who got what
    positions.

    Lt. Harrison "never does anything without asking the elders first,"
    said Mir Azfal, a 25-year-old police auxiliary officer.

    The Americans have provided other benefits as well, installing small
    hydropower generators along the Pech River, handing out school
    supplies for children and setting up makeshift clinics for the ill.

    "The enemy is more isolated from the people than last year," says
    35-year-old Lt. Col. M. Farid Ahmadi, who commands the 400-man Afghan
    National Army battalion that lives and fights alongside 1-32. "When
    we separate the...evildoers from the people, it's easy to kill,
    capture or destroy them. It's difficult to do when the enemy is among
    the people."

    Some areas, particularly south of the Pech River, have proved
    resistant to Col. Cavoli's approaches, however. Elders in the village
    of Matin initially rejected a U.S. offer to build a bridge connecting
    them with the new road -- a sign, the soldiers thought, of their ties
    to the insurgency. Recently the elders changed their minds. Still,
    Lt. Harrison's night patrols watch for insurgents leaving Matin and
    crossing the shallows of the Pech to plant explosives on the valley
    road.

    Farther south, the Army has found few winnable hearts or minds in the
    Korangal Valley, an area ethnically and linguistically distinct from
    the northern bank of the Pech. The people of the Korangal have
    longtime links to the insurgency, according to the military. The
    fighting on the mountaintops in that area has been particularly
    bloody over the past year.

    "The ones who liked us before like us now," says Pvt. Adam Boguskie,
    21, of Spencer County, Ky., his heavy machine gun pointing toward the
    snowy ridgeline south of the Pech. "The ones who hated us before hate
    us now. It's all about money. If the Taliban had money, the locals
    would be bringing them Pepsis up there."

    The men of 1-32 are due to go home to Fort Drum, N.Y., in June, some
    16 months after they arrived in Afghanistan, and Col. Cavoli has been
    worried that the troops who follow will abandon the relationships his
    men have spent so much time establishing. Last month his replacement,
    Lt. Col. Bill Ostlund of the 173rd Airborne Brigade, paid an advance
    visit to Afghanistan, where Col. Cavoli pitched his
    up-close-and-personal approach to counterinsurgency.

    "It would be easy for me as a commander to put people in [rear bases
    at] Asadabad and Jalalabad and spend a year painting rocks," Col.
    Cavoli told Col. Ostlund. Pointing to the Pech Valley on a wall map,
    he continued: "But the people we're trying to help are up here."


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    20) Crop Prices Soar,
    Pushing Up Cost
    Of Food Globally
    New Demand for Biofuels
    Feeds Inflation Pressure;
    China, India Feel Pinch
    By PATRICK BARTA
    April 9, 2007; Page A1
    The Wall Street Journal
    [VIA Email from: Walter Lippmann
    walterlx@earthlink.net ...bw]

    Soaring prices for farm goods, driven in part by demand for
    crop-based fuels, are pushing up the price of food world-wide and
    unleashing a new source of inflationary pressure.

    The rise in food prices is already causing distress among consumers
    in some parts of the world -- especially relatively poor nations like
    India and China. If the trend gathers momentum, it could contribute
    to slower global growth by forcing consumers to spend less on other
    items or spurring central banks to fight inflation by raising
    interest rates.

    Politicians in markets where food costs are a particularly sensitive
    matter are moving to counter rising prices before they take a bigger
    economic toll or fuel unrest. But it remains unclear whether those
    policies will be enough to contain the current pressures, or whether
    a longer-term bout of food-price inflation -- similar in ways to the
    recent climb in prices for oil and other commodities -- is in the
    offing.

    One of the chief causes of food-price inflation is new demand for
    ethanol and biodiesel, which can be made from corn, palm oil, sugar
    and other crops. That demand has driven up the price of those
    commodities, leading to higher costs for producers of everything from
    beef to eggs to soft drinks. In some cases, producers are passing the
    costs along to consumers. Several years of global economic growth --
    led by China and India -- is also raising food consumption, further
    fanning the inflationary pressures.

    Food-price inflation has been climbing -- in some cases sharply -- in
    India, China, Europe, and even smaller economies like Turkey, South
    Africa and Poland. In Hungary, it is running at more than 13% a year,
    compared with less than 3% in 2005. In China, food prices are
    climbing at a 6% pace, more than three times the speed of a year ago.
    Prices are also up in Germany, Italy and the United Kingdom. They may
    even be picking up in Japan, the world's second-largest national
    economy, though the signs are tentative since overall prices there
    are only just starting to rise after a prolonged economic downturn.

    The U.S., too, is seeing some stirrings, with food costs rising 3.1%
    in February from the year before -- a rate one percentage point
    higher than in mid-2005. Economists say U.S. food prices are expected
    to rise faster than the general rate of inflation this year.
    Wholesale prices of meat, poultry and eggs have already increased.

    If the trend continues, U.S. consumers are likely to see higher
    prices at the supermarket for everything from milk to cereal to soda
    pop, since corn is used to feed livestock and make high-fructose corn
    syrup, a key ingredient in many soft drinks. A spokesman for the
    National Chicken Council, a poultry-industry group, recently
    testified to a congressional subcommittee that Americans should
    expect higher chicken prices because of what the group described as
    "the ethanol crisis."

    Doomsday predictions of a major food shortage in China and elsewhere
    have circulated for years but haven't materialized. And some
    economists believe the recent increase in crop demand probably can be
    met without severely straining the global economy. They think prices
    could come back down over time, especially if some countries that
    have more land that could be put under cultivation -- particularly
    Brazil -- can greatly increase production. Technological advances,
    such as better seed varieties, could also help boost production to
    keep up with demand.

    In the meantime, higher farm prices aren't bad for everyone. They
    could help boost incomes for the rural poor in developing nations,
    who have been bypassed by gains in the manufacturing and service
    sectors. In some cases, the rising demand for food also reflects the
    growing wealth of once-destitute populations around the globe.

    So far, higher prices haven't sparked a major rise in overall global
    inflation, which remains relatively low and stable by historical
    standards. Moreover, food prices are notoriously volatile, and some
    of the increases are due to short-term or local factors that could
    reverse in time.

    But many economists believe the forces causing the current bout of
    food inflation will persist, or recur in years ahead. Many countries
    are facing shortages of land and water that didn't exist during past
    food-price spikes, so they can't easily plant more to ease the
    strain.

    Researchers at Swiss bank UBS AG note that average food prices in
    China have grown faster in the past five years than in the previous
    five, as more agricultural land is taken up for factories or
    high-rise condominiums. Changes in diets are also exacerbating the
    problem, as rising incomes allow the Chinese and consumers in many
    other places to eat more.

    Some economists contend that China and India appear to be reaching a
    point at which nothing short of a bumper crop of key commodities will
    be enough to meet local needs and prevent further surges in food
    prices. In fact, China and India have achieved historically high
    production of some crops in recent years, only to see prices continue
    to climb.

    Global grain stocks are at their lowest level in 30 years, after
    several years of strong global economic growth, and could become even
    tighter if farmers divert more crops to make ethanol or other fuels.
    By some estimates, about 30% of the U.S. grain harvest is likely to
    be devoted to ethanol production by 2008, up from 16% in 2006.

    All of this puts the world's central banks in a bind. Although they
    have confronted spurts in energy prices, many of them haven't had to
    cope with prolonged increases in food prices since the 1970s. Since
    then, food-price inflation has remained relatively benign, even as
    incomes world-wide have climbed, allowing consumers to beef up their
    diets.

    In more recent years, central banks have tried to ignore surges in
    food prices as long as they didn't get too out of hand, mostly
    because they tended to be short-lived. A change in weather, for
    example, could quickly turn a food shortage into a glut, sending
    prices tumbling.

    But a more sustained bout of food-price inflation, if it emerges,
    could force banks to keep interest rates higher than they would
    otherwise be. India, for one, has increased interest rates several
    times over the past year in part to combat food-price inflation.

    "In 1972, the last time grain stocks were this low, the story didn't
    end well in terms of inflation," says Carl Weinberg, chief economist
    at High Frequency Economics in Valhalla, N.Y. In those days,
    inflation soared not just because of higher oil costs but also
    because of a global jump in food costs, all of which helped trigger a
    major U.S. recession and a global slowdown. "Food prices were an
    important part of what started [inflation] rolling" in the 1970s, Mr.
    Weinberg says.

    But since the 1970s, the Federal Reserve and some other central banks
    have come to believe that they can avoid raising interest rates in
    the face of transitory increases in food and energy prices if they
    have established enough credibility as inflation fighters to keep
    such price increases from spilling over to the rest of the economy.

    Today, the inflation risks may be greatest in developing economies.
    In the Philippines, food accounts for 50% of the basket of goods
    included in the consumer-price index, an inflation benchmark. In
    Thailand, it's about 35%, according to data from Macquarie Bank Ltd.
    In the U.S., food makes up only about 15% of the CPI.

    In one bustling open-air market in downtown Shanghai, shoppers say
    they are paying as much as two times the price they paid last year
    for green vegetables, and the cost of meat and vegetable oils have
    also soared.

    Such blows to the pocketbook "give us more pressure for daily life,"
    says Xu Wen, a 53-year-old retiree who was purchasing some rolled
    noodles in a small shop last week. Already, she says, she and her
    husband are spending almost half their monthly income on food -- a
    percentage that continues to increase over time. "We ordinary people
    have no way out," she says. "This is something the government needs
    to be concerned about."

    Government officials are taking pains to show they are addressing the
    problem. In December, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao toured a Beijing
    supermarket to check up on prices, and China has begun limiting the
    construction of corn-based ethanol plants to ensure there is enough
    corn for humans and livestock. Chinese officials have even banned new
    golf courses on farm land and have been unwinding subsidies they once
    paid to grain distributors to sell excess corn overseas.

    Still, analysts estimate Chinese stockpiles of surplus corn now stand
    at only about 30 million metric tons, down from more than 100 million
    tons at the end of the past decade, as demand picks up. (The Chinese
    government doesn't provide official estimates of its stockpiles).

    That would imply that China only has two to three months of surplus
    supply based on current consumption trends, making the country highly
    vulnerable if it has a bad crop. Although China remains a net
    exporter of corn now, analysts believe it will become a net importer
    sometime in the next few years.

    Some economists say China will have to take more aggressive steps to
    prevent future food problems. These changes could include allowing
    the proliferation of large -- but more efficient -- corporate farms
    similar to the ones that drove many small growers out of business in
    the U.S. in recent decades. Such a push would be extremely difficult
    for China because it needs to preserve jobs for the tens of millions
    of people who live in rural areas.

    Pressures are also building in India. Monika Katyal, a 32-year-old
    homemaker, complains that she has had to cut back on purchases of
    many luxuries, such as cosmetics, as her family's monthly bill for
    groceries has climbed as much as 50% in recent months.

    "I came here to do some shopping for myself, but now it doesn't look
    like I will be able to do that," she said recently, as she studied
    the price on a bottle of ketchup in a New Delhi grocery.
    In addition to raising interest rates, Indian officials have also
    lifted import duties on corn and barred exports of wheat, to make
    sure supplies are available for domestic consumption.

    But it isn't clear whether those and other moves will be enough to
    make a big difference in the long run. The main problem is that
    yields of some crops aren't growing fast enough to keep up with
    India's rapidly increasing food demand. India's corn production, for
    example, has climbed about 4% a year since 2001, says Amit Sachdev, a
    New Delhi-area agriculture-industry analyst, while demand has been
    increasing nearly 5.5% a year.

    "If I look at the trend line, [it] indicates to me that the
    requirements are going up much faster than what you can produce" in
    India, he says.

    --Lauren Etter, Conor Dougherty, Hanting Tang, Kersten Zhang and
    Binny Sabharwal contributed to this article.

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    21) Injured troops shipped back into battle
    "Salon has uncovered further evidence that the military sent soldiers
    with acute post-traumatic stress disorder, severe back injuries and
    other serious war wounds back to Iraq."
    By Mark Benjamin
    April 9, 2007
    http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2007/04/09/injured_soldiers/print.html

    Apr. 09, 2007 | On March 9, Army Spc. Thomas Smith was ordered to
    board a plane from Fort Benning, Ga., to deploy back to Iraq, even
    though he was known to be suffering from chronic post-traumatic
    stress disorder from a previous tour there. Only weeks prior,
    military doctors determined that Smith should not be allowed around
    weapons because of his PTSD symptoms, which included bouts of sudden,
    extreme anger. Smith's medical records, obtained by Salon, also show
    that doctors had "highly recommended" that Smith not be deployed
    because of his condition.

    But that did not stop Smith's commanders from ordering him to Iraq as
    his unit, the 3,900-strong 3rd Brigade of the 3rd Infantry Division,
    was rushing to move out as part of President Bush's so-called surge
    plan for securing Baghdad.

    "I was told to have my bags in at midnight that night," for the
    flight, Smith said. "I was sitting there looking at these letters in
    my hand from my doctors," he recalled in a telephone interview. In
    order to follow the doctors' recommendations, Smith said, "I had to
    check myself into the hospital." He avoided the flight by just a few
    hours. Smith's condition was serious enough that the doctors there
    kept him hospitalized for nearly two weeks.

    On March 11, two days after Smith checked himself in, Salon reported
    on claims by numerous soldiers from Smith's brigade that commanders
    were pressing injured troops to deploy to Iraq. Soldiers at Fort
    Benning said that two doctors from the division met with 75 injured
    soldiers, including Smith, on Feb. 15, in what the troops said was an
    effort to reevaluate -- and downgrade -- their health problems so
    that they could be deployed with the rest of the unit. In several
    cases, medical records provided to Salon supported those allegations,
    showing the soldiers to be healthier, on paper, than they were prior
    to that meeting.

    It remains unclear how many injured troops from the 3rd Brigade were
    deployed last month. But others continue to come forward who, like
    Smith, had serious medical problems and narrowly avoided being
    shipped back to Iraq. The concern of these soldiers is not only that
    they could worsen their injuries by being deployed, but that they
    could also be a danger to themselves and the soldiers around them.
    Their stories add new evidence to accusations that brigade
    commanders, in desperate need of more troops for the surge were
    willing to deploy broken soldiers.

    Hunter Smart, who until recently was a captain in the 3rd Brigade,
    has experience preparing unit status reports. These detailed accounts
    showing how many soldiers in a unit are able to deploy to a war zone,
    make their way up to decision makers in the Pentagon. Smart says he
    believes brigade commanders were manipulating the reports and
    pressing injured soldiers to deploy to Iraq. "The unit status report
    is a big deal," Hunter explained in a phone interview. "You list by
    name and number the number of soldiers that are hurt and non-
    deployable," he said. "There was a concerted effort to keep those
    numbers down."

    Smart was caught up in those efforts himself. He had suffered a back
    injury during a previous tour in Iraq when his Bradley Fighting
    Vehicle crashed, and his injuries were so severe, the Army finally
    allowed him medical retirement last month, after determining he was
    no longer fit to serve.

    Medical retirement from the Army is a lengthy, paperwork-intensive
    process, one that had started for Smart last December. But to his
    astonishment, Smart's commanders pushed to deploy him in March, even
    as the paperwork for his medical retirement was working its way
    through the bureaucracy. "They were definitely wanting me to be
    deployed," Smart said. "Up until a few weeks ago, I was set to go on
    a plane," he said.

    Smart saved an e-mail exchange in which his battalion commander, Lt.
    Col. Todd Ratliff, suggests that if the paperwork for Smart's medical
    retirement was not complete when the unit deployed, Smart might be
    forced to come along. "If for some reason you are still around when
    we deploy there is a chance we may take you to support us in Kuwait,"
    Ratliff wrote in an e-mail to Smart on Feb. 16.

    Smart fought against his redeployment, using the resources available
    to him as an officer to carefully shepherd his medical retirement
    papers through the Army bureaucracy just in time. But the experience
    left him worried about injured enlisted soldiers who were not so
    lucky -- and left him furious at those in charge. Military commanders
    "could care less about the soldier's physical and mental welfare, as
    long as they can shoot straight," Smart said. "Our military is
    stretched to its breaking point," he added. "Commanders are being
    backed into a corner in order to produce units that on paper are
    ready to deploy. They are casting the moral and ethical implications
    -- and soldiers -- to the side."

    Smith, the enlisted soldier who was hospitalized, began noticing
    symptoms of his PTSD within months of returning from Iraq in January
    2005, a tour that included significant time in Ramadi, a hotbed of
    the insurgency. It was nasty, face-to-face work, Smith said, which
    included a lot of "kicking down doors."

    Smith's medical records are sadly typical of soldiers beset by PTSD.
    His doctors have documented agitation, irritability, anxiety,
    nightmares, flashbacks and a heightened startle response. He has a
    hard time going out in public. "My family had noticed some big
    differences with me," after his tour in Iraq, he recalled, including
    his sudden, intense anger. "They said, 'Hey, you need help.'"

    Smith sought treatment, and doctors soon diagnosed chronic PTSD. He
    is now heavily medicated, taking anti-psychotic pills and
    antidepressants.

    His records show him struggling with his symptoms as the brigade was
    gearing up to deploy. On Feb. 8, several military doctors completed a
    "report of mental status evaluation" on Smith. "It is highly
    recommended that patient be placed on non-deployable status and have
    no access to weapons," the doctors wrote. On Feb. 20, another doctor
    circled "violence risk" on another of Smith's health-assessment forms.

    But two weeks after that violence-risk notation, Smith found himself
    just hours away from stepping on to a plane to Iraq. He was running
    out of time and options. His company commander had already gone to
    bat for him, with no luck. Smith claims that on two separate
    occasions, his company commander took his doctors' notes to the
    brigade commander, Col. Wayne W. Grigsby Jr., in an effort to
    persuade Grigsby to leave Smith behind in doctors' care. "I've got to
    hand it to my company commander for trying," Smith said. But Smith
    said his company commander told him that Grigsby wouldn't budge.
    Smith resorted to checking himself into the hospital.

    Privacy rules restrict what Army commanders can say about an
    individual soldier's medical file. Public affairs officials for the
    3rd Infantry Division did not respond to questions for this report on
    the plight of soldiers who were deployed with injuries. The division
    surgeon, Lt. Col. George Appenzeller, confirmed in an interview last
    month that medical officials met with 75 soldiers on Feb. 15.
    However, Appenzeller maintained that it was to conduct medical exams,
    update paperwork and make sure injured troops were getting the best
    healthcare possible.

    Grigsby, the 3rd Brigade commander, said in an interview last month
    that the well-being of his soldiers was among his top priorities. He
    did not deny deploying injured troops, but he asserted that the
    injured soldiers who were deployed were to be confined to relatively
    safe jobs. He said those troops would work in a capacity that
    strictly followed each soldier's "physical profile," a document
    prepared by doctors spelling out a soldier's physical limitations.

    But one injured soldier who was deployed to Iraq in March wrote in an
    e-mail to Salon that her back condition has worsened significantly.
    "Now my left leg has started to go numb and they are telling me to
    double up on my meds, which I can't," she wrote. "They are not
    putting us in safe jobs at all. I still wear all of my gear and by
    the end of the day the pain is more than unbearable," she added. "I
    break my [physical] profile pretty much on a daily basis. At this
    point I will either go back [home] in a wheel chair or paralyzed or
    worse."

    "Do what you can," she pleaded in the e-mail, "for the [injured
    soldiers] that come after me."

    As Salon revealed in a second report on March 26, the commanders of
    the 3rd Brigade shipped dozens of injured soldiers to Fort Irwin,
    Calif., in January as the brigade conducted a month of desert-warfare
    training. The injured soldiers were put up in two large tents, doing
    odd jobs and biding their time. Some military experts said they
    believed commanders were attempting to artificially boost manpower
    statistics by making it appear that a healthier percentage of the
    brigade was out in the desert training for Iraq deployment.

    Both Smith and Smart were among the dozens of soldiers who spent
    weeks in those tents. Neither could properly train. Smith had already
    been diagnosed with PTSD at that time, and would awaken at night
    agitated by the sound of mortars going off in the desert that were
    used for training. Neither Smith nor Smart was treated for his
    medical problems while in the desert.

    In Smart's case, that went directly against the recommendations of
    his doctors. "I believe taking a month off from his treatment plan
    will be detrimental to his condition," one chiropractor wrote in
    Smart's file in late December. "Lack of treatment for this prolonged
    period of time could cause a setback in his condition that may be
    difficult to recover."

    Military families are angered by the treatment of injured soldiers
    based at Fort Benning. Janie Smith, Thomas' mother, says she was
    horrified that the Army tried to send her ailing son back to Iraq,
    which prompted her to contact the media about his predicament.

    She described him as an outgoing, personable boy. But the 26-year-old
    man who came back from Iraq is quiet, withdrawn and sometimes
    suddenly, frighteningly angry, she says. In a restaurant, he sits
    facing the door, ready to confront an enemy at any moment. His hands
    constantly shake. "He is an entirely different person," Janie
    explained in a phone interview.

    Janie said she was glad when her son first joined the Army. "I was
    really proud of him," she recalled. But while she is still proud of
    her son, her feelings for the Army have changed. "They don't care,"
    she said. "I don't know what I'm going to do now."

    The Army's inspector general and the Government Accountability Office
    have both launched inquiries since Salon first reported on the
    deployment of injured troops. There is no indication of when either
    will issue its findings.

    -- By Mark Benjamin

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    22) Huge Protest in Iraq Demands U.S. Withdraw
    By EDWARD WONG
    April 10, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/world/middleeast/10iraq.html?ref=world

    BAGHDAD, April 9 — Tens of thousands of protesters loyal
    to Moktada al-Sadr, the Shiite cleric, took to the streets
    of the holy city of Najaf on Monday in an extraordinarily
    disciplined rally to demand an end to the American military
    presence in Iraq, burning American flags and chanting
    “Death to America!”

    Residents said that the angry, boisterous demonstration
    was the largest in Najaf, the heart of Shiite religious
    power, since the American-led invasion in 2003. It took
    place on the fourth anniversary of the fall of Baghdad,
    and it was an obvious effort by Mr. Sadr to show the
    extent of his influence here in Iraq, even though he
    did not appear at the rally. Mr. Sadr went underground
    after the American military began a new security push
    in Baghdad on Feb. 14, and his whereabouts are unknown.

    Mr. Sadr used the protest to try to reassert his image
    as a nationalist rebel who appeals to both anti-American
    Shiites and Sunni Arabs. He established that reputation
    in 2004, when he publicly supported Sunni insurgents
    in Falluja who were battling United States marines,
    and quickly gained popularity among Sunnis across Iraq
    and the region. But his nationalist credentials have
    been tarnished in the last year, as Sunni Arabs have
    accused Mr. Sadr’s militia, the Mahdi Army, of torturing
    and killing Sunnis.

    Iraqi policemen and soldiers lined the path taken by
    the protesters, and there were no reports of violence
    during the day. The American military handed security
    oversight of the city and province of Najaf to the Iraqi
    government in December, and the calm atmosphere showed
    that the Iraqi security forces could maintain control,
    keeping suicide bombers away from an obvious target.
    In March, when millions of Shiite pilgrims flocked
    to the holy cities of the south, Iraqi security forces
    in provinces adjoining Najaf failed to stop bombers
    from killing scores of them.

    Vehicles were not allowed near Monday’s march, and
    Baghdad had a daylong ban on traffic to prevent
    outbreaks of violence.

    During the protest in Najaf, Sadr followers draped
    themselves in Iraqi flags and waved them to symbolize
    national unity, and a small number of conservative Sunni
    Arabs took part in the march.

    “We have 30 people who came,” said Ayad Abdul Wahab,
    an agriculture professor in Basra and an official in
    the Iraqi Islamic Party, a leading fundamentalist Sunni
    Arab group. “We support Moktada in this demonstration,
    and we stress our rejection of foreign occupation.”

    He and his friends together carried a 30-foot-long
    Iraqi flag.

    In the four years of war, the only other person who
    has been able to call for protests of this scale has
    been Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, Iraq’s most
    powerful Shiite cleric, who, like Mr. Sadr, has
    a home in Najaf.

    The protest was in some ways another challenge to the
    Shiite clerical hierarchy, showing that in the new Iraq,
    a violent young upstart like Mr. Sadr can command the
    masses right in the backyard of venerable clerics like
    Ayatollah Sistani. Mr. Sadr has increasingly tapped
    into a powerful desire among Shiites to stand up
    forcefully to both the American presence and militant
    Sunnis, and to ignore calls for moderation from older
    clerics.

    Lt. Col. Christopher Garver, an American military
    spokesman in Baghdad, said that American officers
    had helped officials in Najaf plan security for the
    event, but that the Iraqis had taken the lead.

    Colonel Garver and other American officials tried
    to put the best possible light on the event, despite
    the fiery words. “We say that we’re here to support
    democracy,” he said. “We say that free speech and
    freedom of assembly are part of that. While we don’t
    necessarily agree with the message, we agree with
    their right to say it.”

    The protest unfolded as heavy fighting continued
    in parts of Diwaniya, a southern city where American
    and Iraqi forces have been battling cells of the Mahdi
    Army since Friday. Mr. Sadr issued a statement on Sunday
    calling for the Mahdi militiamen and the Iraqi forces
    there to stop fighting each other, but those words
    went unheeded. Gun battles broke out on Monday, and
    an American officer said at a news conference that
    at least one American soldier had been killed and
    one wounded in four days of clashes.

    That fighting and the protest in Najaf, as well as
    Mr. Sadr’s mysterious absence, raise questions about
    how much control he actually maintains over his militia.
    Mr. Sadr is obviously still able to order huge numbers
    of people into the streets, but there has been talk
    that branches of his militia have split off and now
    operate independently. In Baghdad, some Mahdi Army
    cells have refrained in the last two months from
    attacking Americans and carrying out killings of
    Sunni Arabs, supposedly on orders from Mr. Sadr,
    but bodies of Sunnis have begun reappearing in some
    neighborhoods in recent weeks.

    The protest in Najaf was made up mostly of young men,
    many of whom drove down from the sprawling Sadr City
    section of Baghdad, some 100 miles north, the previous
    night. They gathered Monday morning in the town of Kufa,
    where Mr. Sadr has his main mosque, and walked a few
    miles to Sadrain Square in Najaf. Protesters stomped
    on American flags and burned them. “No, no America;
    leave, leave occupier,” they chanted. At Sadrain Square,
    the protesters listened to a statement read over
    loudspeakers that was attributed to Mr. Sadr.

    “Oh Iraqi people, you are aware, as 48 months have
    passed, that we live in a state of oppression,
    unjust repression and occupation,” the statement
    read. “Forty-eight hard months — that make four years
    — in which we have gotten nothing but more killing,
    destruction and degradation. Tens of people are being
    killed every day. Tens are disabled every day.”

    Mr. Sadr added: “America made efforts to stoke
    sectarian strife, and here I would like to tell you,
    the sons of the two rivers, that you have proved your
    ability to surpass difficulties and sacrifice yourselves,
    despite the conspiracies of the evil powers against you.”

    An Interior Ministry employee in a flowing tan robe,
    Haider Abdul Rahim Mustafa, 23, said that he had come
    from Basra “to demand the withdrawal of the occupier.”

    “The occupier supported Saddam and helped him to become
    stronger, then removed him because his cards were burned,”
    he said, using an Arabic expression to note that Saddam
    Hussein was no longer useful to the United States.
    “The fall of Saddam means nothing to us as long
    as the alternative is the American occupation.”

    Estimates of the crowd’s size varied wildly. A police
    commander in Najaf, Brig. Gen. Abdul Karim al-Mayahi,
    said there were at least half a million people. Colonel
    Garver said that military reports had estimates of
    5,000 to 7,000. Residents and other Iraqi officials
    said there were tens of thousands, and television
    images of the rally seemed to support their estimates.

    The colonel declined to give any information on the
    whereabouts of Mr. Sadr, though American military
    officials said weeks ago that they believed he is
    in Iran. Mr. Sadr’s aides declined to say where he
    is, but previously they have said he remained in Iraq.

    In Diwaniya, hospital officials said their wards were
    overwhelmed by casualties. There was a shortage
    of food and oxygen, and ambulances were being blocked
    from the scene of combat, said Dr. Hamid Jaati, the
    city’s health director. The main hospital received
    13 dead Iraqis and 41 injured ones over the weekend,
    he added.

    The fighting started Friday after the provincial
    council and governor called for the Iraqi Army and
    American forces to take on the Sadr militiamen. The
    governor and 28 of 40 council members belong to
    a powerful Shiite party called the Supreme Council
    for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq, which is the
    main rival to the Sadr organization. Sadr officials
    have accused the party of using the military to
    carry out a political grudge, but the governor,
    Khalil Jalil Hamza, denied that on Monday.

    In Diyala Province, northeast of Baghdad, a suicide
    car bomb killed three civilians and wounded four
    thers on Sunday night, police officials said Monday.
    Also in Diyala, a local politician was fatally shot
    on Monday in Hibhib, and three bodies were found
    in Khalis.

    Iraqi employees of The New York Times contributed
    reporting from Najaf and Diwaniya.

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    23) High Stakes: Chávez Plays the Oil Card
    “Chávez poses a much bigger threat to America’s energy
    security than Saddam Hussein ever did.”
    By SIMON ROMERO and CLIFFORD KRAUSS
    April 10, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/business/worldbusiness/10showdown.html

    CARACAS, Venezuela, April 9 — With President Hugo Chávez
    setting a May 1 deadline for an ambitious plan to wrest
    control of several major oil projects from American and
    European companies, a showdown is looming here over access
    to some of the most coveted energy resources outside
    the Middle East.

    Moving beyond empty threats to cut off all oil exports
    to the United States, officials have recently stepped
    up the pressure on the oil companies operating here,
    warning that they might sell American refineries meant
    to process Venezuelan crude oil even as they seek new
    outlets in China and elsewhere around the world.

    “Chávez is playing a game of chicken with the largest
    oil companies in the world,” said Pietro Pitts, an oil
    analyst who publishes LatinPetroleum, an industry
    magazine based here. “And for the moment he is winning.”

    But this confrontation could easily end up with
    everyone losing.

    The biggest energy companies could be squeezed out
    of the most promising oil patch in the Western
    Hemisphere. But Venezuela risks undermining the
    engine behind Mr. Chávez’s socialist-inspired
    revolution by hampering its ability to transform
    the nation’s newly valuable heavy oil into riches
    for years to come.

    As Mr. Chávez asserts much greater control over
    Venezuela’s oil industry, his national oil company,
    Petróleos de Venezuela, is already showing signs of
    stress. Management has become increasingly politicized,
    and money for maintenance and development is being
    diverted to pay for a surge in public spending.

    During the last several decades, control of global
    oil reserves has steadily passed from private companies
    to national oil companies like Petróleos de Venezuela.
    According to a new Rice University study, 77 percent
    of the world’s 1.148 trillion barrels of proven
    reserves is in the hands of the national companies;
    14 of the top 20 oil-producing companies are state-
    controlled.

    The implications are potentially stark for the
    United States, which imports 60 percent of its oil.
    State companies tend to be far less efficient and
    innovative, and far more politicized. No place
    captures the shift in power to nationalist governments
    like Venezuela.

    “We are on a collision course with Chávez over oil,”
    said Michael J. Economides, an oil consultant in Houston
    who wrote an influential essay comparing Mr. Chávez’s
    populist appeal in Latin America with the pan-Arabism
    of Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi of Libya two decades ago.
    “Chávez poses a much bigger threat to America’s energy
    security than Saddam Hussein ever did.”

    Consider the quandary facing Exxon Mobil after its
    chairman, Rex W. Tillerson, recently suggested that
    Exxon might be forced to abandon a major Venezuelan
    oil project because of its growing troubles with
    Mr. Chávez.

    The energy world took notice. So did Mr. Chávez’s
    government.

    Only a day later, Venezuelan agents raided Exxon’s
    offices here in the San Ignacio towers, a bastion
    for this country’s business elite. The government
    said that the raid was part of a tax investigation,
    but energy analysts said the exchange of threat and
    counterthreat was all too clear.

    Politics and ideology are driving the confrontation
    here as Mr. Chávez seeks to limit American influence
    around the world, starting in Venezuela’s oil fields.
    Mr. Chávez views the Bush administration as a threat,
    in part because it indirectly supported a coup that
    briefly removed him from power five years ago. Yet
    the United States remains Venezuela’s largest customer.

    Mr. Chávez recently decreed that Venezuela would take
    control of heavy oil fields in the Orinoco Belt,
    a region southeast of Caracas of so much potential
    that some experts say it could give the country more
    reserves than Saudi Arabia. The United States Geological
    Survey describes the area as the “largest single
    hydrocarbon accumulation in the world,” making it
    highly coveted despite Mr. Chávez’s erratic policies.

    By setting a May 1 deadline for what some foreign oil
    executives consider an expropriation, the Venezuelan
    leader risks losing Exxon, ConocoPhillips and other
    companies, which are loath to put their employees and
    billions of dollars in assets under Venezuelan management.

    A departure of expertise and investment could weaken
    an oil industry already unsettled by being transformed
    into Mr. Chávez’s most crucial tool for carrying out
    his reconfiguration of Venezuelan society.

    Mr. Chávez has raised taxes on foreign oil companies
    and forced other oil ventures to come under his
    government’s control. And he has purged more than
    17,000 employees from Petróleos de Venezuela after
    a debilitating strike about four years ago.

    The talks have bogged down over how much the oil
    companies’ stakes in four big Orinoco projects are
    worth, whether Venezuela’s cash-short oil company
    would pay for the assets in oil instead of cash and,
    most important, who would manage the reduced operations
    of the foreign oil companies.

    Still prevented from producing oil in places like Saudi
    Arabia and Mexico, the companies desperately want
    to hold on to their Venezuelan reserves. Companies
    like Exxon, whose Venezuelan assets were nationalized
    in the 1970s and returned to it in the 1990s, know
    the pitfalls of operating here and figure that
    Mr. Chávez will not be around forever.

    With oil prices at high levels, oil-rich countries
    as varied as Angola, Norway and Russia are also waiting
    to see how the talks unfold. Governments in Kazakhstan
    and Nigeria are trying to negotiate better terms with
    foreign oil companies as well. But none are doing
    so with Mr. Chávez’s revolutionary flourish.

    “It is a defining moment,” said Christopher Ruppel,
    a geopolitical risk analyst at John S. Herold Inc.,
    the energy consulting firm.

    Last week, Rafael Ramírez, Venezuela’s energy
    minister, sent a chilling signal to the oil companies,
    saying Venezuela might sell refineries in Texas and
    Louisiana that process crude from Exxon’s Venezuelan
    oil fields. Analysts say Venezuela could be setting
    the stage to produce much less oil in ventures with
    American oil companies for export to the United States.

    The oil companies decline to talk publicly about the
    negotiations, but people in the industry say Exxon
    and ConocoPhillips, two of the largest American companies
    in Venezuela, are digging in their heels. The companies,
    however, lack a united front: Chevron is expected to
    accept Mr. Chávez’s terms, since it is also negotiating
    access to a large natural gas project in Venezuela.

    “If the majors want to negotiate a settlement, they
    have to be able to let Chávez save face and look
    like he has won this with his people,” said Michael
    S. Goldberg, head of the international dispute
    resolution group at Baker Botts, a law firm in
    Houston that represents many of the major oil
    companies around the world.

    For decades, Venezuela has been a leading supplier
    of oil to American refineries, a resilient economic
    relationship that remains intact despite deteriorating
    political ties. Venezuela is the fourth-largest
    supplier of oil to the United States, accounting
    for more than 10 percent of American oil imports.

    Once Venezuela’s heavy oil is counted, its reserves
    may surpass those of Saudi Arabia or Canada, though
    the oil will be worthless without ventures to extract
    it. American oil producers are drawn here by Venezuela’s
    80 billion barrels of proven oil reserves, among the
    largest outside the Middle East.

    But Mr. Chávez is chipping away at those ties by
    forming ventures with state oil companies from China,
    Iran, India and Brazil. Venezuelan exports of oil and
    refined products to the United States fell 8.2 percent
    to a 12-year low in 2006 of about 1.3 million barrels
    a day, according to the Energy Information Administration.

    Meanwhile, Mr. Chávez has accepted higher shipping
    costs to reach China, expanding exports tenfold to
    about 160,000 barrels a day since 2004.

    “If the United States wants to diversify its oil
    supplies for reasons of national security, then
    Venezuela should be allowed to diversify its customer
    base for the same reason,” said Mazhar al-Shereidah,
    an Iraqi-born petroleum economist who is one of
    Venezuela’s leading energy experts.

    But even under the best of circumstances, China’s
    retooling of its refineries to handle Venezuela’s
    sour, or high-sulfur, crude oil could take five to
    seven years. And it is not clear whether Mr. Chávez’s
    new foreign energy partners are prepared to invest
    heavily until they are confident they can trust him.

    In a country where many facets of life are politicized,
    output levels are no exception. Venezuela says it
    produces 3.3 million barrels a day, but OPEC officials
    say production is closer to 2.5 million, 1 million
    barrels less than in 1999 when Mr. Chávez’s presidency
    began.

    No one sees an immediate crisis at Petróleos de Venezuela.
    But its windfall from high oil prices masks the devilish
    complexity and rising costs of producing heavy oil.

    Meanwhile, the company acknowledged last month that
    spending on “social development” almost doubled in 2006,
    to $13.3 billion, while its spending on exploration badly
    trailed its global peers. And Petróleos de Venezuela’s
    work force has ballooned to 89,450, up 29 percent since
    2001 even as production declined.

    Independent analysts are alarmed by a troubling increase
    in explosions and refining accidents during the last
    two years, which authorities brush off as sabotage.
    Mr. Ramírez, the energy minister, declined repeated
    requests for an interview.

    With heavily subsidized domestic oil consumption surging,
    the government spends an estimated $9 billion to keep
    gasoline prices under 20 cents a gallon. Moreover,
    Mr. Chávez uses Petróleos de Venezuela to finance other
    nationalizations, like its $739 million purchase
    of an electric utility in Caracas from the
    AES Corporation.

    Petróleos de Venezuela’s cash is said to be running
    short as Mr. Chávez uses its revenue to cement political
    alliances with Bolivia, Cuba and Nicaragua. The company
    has borrowed more than $11 billion since the start
    of the year, a rapid debt buildup that reflects
    a wager by Mr. Chávez that oil prices will remain high
    indefinitely.

    Simon Romero reported from Caracas, Clifford Krauss
    from Houston.

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    24) General Wants Increased Troops Into Fall
    By THE NEW YORK TIMES
    April 10, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/world/middleeast/10troops.html

    WASHINGTON, April 9 — The top American commander in Iraq
    has recommended that reinforced troop levels in Iraq be
    maintained at least through September, Pentagon officials
    said Monday.

    The commander, Gen. David H. Petraeus, recommended that
    the current level of 20 ground combat brigades be
    maintained into the fall, they said.

    Pentagon officials are examining options for how to
    maintain the buildup. A leading option is to extend
    the deployment of four ground combat brigades and an
    aviation brigade, which have a combined strength of
    more than 15,000 troops.

    President Bush announced in January that five additional
    combat brigades were to be deployed in Iraq as part
    of a troop buildup.

    Lt. Gen. Raymond T. Odierno, the day-to-day commander
    of American forces in Iraq and the second-ranking
    official there, has advised that the increased troop
    levels are needed through February 2008.

    Additional deployments and tour extensions would
    be required to maintain such an increase into the
    early part of 2008.

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    25) U.S. Raid on an Immigrant Household
    Deepens Anger and Mistrust
    By NINA BERNSTEIN
    April 10, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/nyregion/10suffolk.html?ref=nyregion

    EAST HAMPTON, N.Y. — Awakened by banging on the front door
    and the shouts of strangers inside her family’s sprawling
    suburban home, Erica Leon, 12, thought at first that the
    house was on fire.

    Then her bedroom door burst open, she said, and armed men
    in blue bulletproof vests pushed in, demanding to know
    if she was hiding someone. They pressed on to the room
    where 4-year-old Carson was asleep with their mother,
    and pulled off the covers.

    “They started screaming at my mom real bad,” Erica said.
    “I wasn’t crying, but I was, like, terrified. Like,
    who are you guys?”

    They were federal immigration agents hunting for an
    illegal immigrant — Erica’s long-absent father, Patrizio
    Wilson Garcia, who was ordered deported after his 2003
    divorce from Erica’s mother, Adriana, and has not lived
    in the house since. But they had entered a three-generation
    immigrant household where everyone was an American citizen
    by naturalization or birth.

    To the Leon family, Hispanics who have owned their house
    here on Copeces Lane for seven years, the early-morning
    raid on Feb. 20 seemed like the ultimate indignity in
    a history of hostile scrutiny. But to some residents,
    it was an overdue response by federal authorities to
    long-simmering concerns about illegal immigration on
    Long Island’s East End.

    Since 2000, neighbors’ complaints about the family’s
    volleyball games, their many cars, their living
    arrangements, even the fallen tree limbs in their yard,
    have prompted more than 18 inspections by town code
    enforcers and repeated surveillance by the town police,
    records show. Often officials found nothing to cite;
    occasionally they issued notices of violations that
    ended in court fines. Typically, the Leons complied
    with official demands, only to face fresh complaints.

    Federal immigration officials would not say what had
    prompted the raid, which swept into four other East
    Hampton houses and rounded up three dozen illegal
    immigrants. But the operation had nothing to do with
    town code enforcement, the officials said, or with
    Steve Levy, the Suffolk County executive, who has
    won national attention by vowing to move against
    illegal immigrants the federal government ignores.

    They also said Erica’s grandmother let them in,
    providing consent for a search that others in the
    household could not legally stop.

    Residents on both sides see the raid — the first in
    recent memory in this wealthy beachfront community —
    as the latest escalation in a wave of crackdowns driven
    by complaints against immigrants at every level
    of government. And it points to a sense of frustration
    in both camps that is making Suffolk County one of
    the hotbeds of the nation’s immigration debate.

    “People here are fed up,” said Richard Herrlin,
    a neighbor of the Leons’ who welcomed the raid and
    described himself as a builder of $20 million mansions.
    “It’s possible the feds showed up because the town
    officials have done nothing for years, because the
    town is terrified of being accused of racial
    insensitivity.”

    For him and some others in the neighborhood, where
    large wooded lots and winding roads bring to mind
    rural New England, irritation over what they described
    as the Leons’ noise, trash and traffic has fed on deeper
    anger over an influx of Hispanic illegal immigrants
    on the East End. There are festering grievances about
    taxes, schools crowded with Spanish speakers and
    homes turned into rooming houses.

    For the Leons and other immigrant families, meanwhile,
    confusion over what civil rights, if any, apply in
    such raids heightens new feelings of vulnerability.

    “Your house is supposed to be where you’re safe,
    right?” said Andres Leon, 22, Erica’s uncle. “When
    you see police, you’re supposed to feel protected.
    But the way they acted, we don’t feel protected;
    we feel violated.”

    Ms. Leon, now remarried, had even obtained an order
    of protection against Mr. Garcia before their divorce
    ended his temporary legal status and led to the
    deportation order.

    In a strange twist, that became the legal basis for
    a Fugitive Operations team of seven agents to bang
    on the Leons’ door at 5 a.m.

    Like the family’s American life, the house, on 3.8
    acres in a middle-class section, is still a work in
    progress. But it is now valued at about $1 million,
    nearly four times what the Leons paid for it in 2000,
    before they added 70 percent more finished space,
    step by step, with earnings from housecleaning,
    carpentry and a home beauty salon.

    The first to arrive in the United States, more than
    25 years ago, was Ramon Leon, who works as a cabinetmaker
    for Central Kitchen Corporation in Southampton. It took
    him years to win permanent residency under the 1986
    immigration amnesty, and years more to bring his wife,
    Elena, and three children — Adriana, Jazmin and Andres
    — to join him legally. Erica and her little sister had
    to be left behind in Ecuador for seven years and joined
    their mother only three years ago. The household now
    comprises six adults and five children.

    By the spring of 2002, neighbors were complaining that
    two volleyball courts built by the Leons had become
    the site of large, sometimes raucous sporting events
    that drew dozens of people.

    All over East Hampton, such games were a flashpoint
    between longtime residents and Latino immigrants,
    whose numbers were soaring. And the clashes fueled
    resentments that helped elect local politicians who
    promised to crack down on illegal immigrants or
    “quality of life” violations.

    Despite complaints and petitions, officials were
    unable to shut down the games. At the Leons’, for
    example, the East Hampton police reported no violations
    after surveillance over a three-day weekend in 2002
    found 15 to 40 people, most of them playing volleyball;
    20 vehicles “all registered and legally parked”;
    and “very little noise.”

    But the games had stopped by 2004, after Adriana, 30,
    married Norman Aguilar, who took over his father-in-
    law’s share of the mortgage. “I don’t want any problems,”
    said Mr. Aguilar, who was born in Costa Rica and is
    a manager at a newspaper distribution company, as well
    as an agent for a financial services company, Primerica.
    “I just want to live in peace.”

    By then, however, neighborhood complaints seemed
    to have a life of their own. When Jazmin Leon opened
    her one-chair home beauty salon — allowed under the
    residential code — neighbors tried to shut it down
    over the scissors sign seen through the picture window.
    When Mr. Aguilar painted a rock white, a neighbor
    produced town surveys to show that it jutted over
    his property line by three or four inches.

    “My wife wanted to sell the house,” Mr. Aguilar said.
    “I told her no, anywhere you go, you’ll have the same
    problems. I feel like for us it’s, like, getting harder
    in this town. The laws that they’re putting on us,
    it’s, like, against Hispanic people.”

    Some residents say the town does not enforce codes the
    same way against city people in time shares, or houses
    crowded with Irish summer workers.

    “Profiling is not about who you raid, it’s who you
    don’t raid — who gets the winks and who gets the
    handcuffs,” said Amado Ortiz, 60, an American-born
    architect who joined the board of OLA, a Latino
    immigrant advocacy group, after being “radicalized,”
    he said, by an increasingly anti-Hispanic climate.

    William E. McGintee, the town supervisor, dismissed
    such complaints of bias as “nonsense.”

    “We don’t have a large influx of illegal immigrants
    from Russia,” he said. “We have Ecuadoreans, we have
    Peruvians, we have Mexicans. We don’t know who
    is living in those houses; we get complaints,
    and it’s complaint-driven.”

    But the limited effect of such complaints only
    heightens the frustration of residents like Lucinda
    Murphy, a registered nurse who volunteered that
    she and her husband, Sean, a television news
    producer, had often called the police about
    cars parked at the Leons’.

    Ms. Murphy, who has three children, voiced larger
    misgivings about illegal immigrants with children
    in the local school. She called them “freeloaders.”

    “I’m paying taxes, they’re not,” she said. “Yet
    their kids still get to go to school with the
    privileges of my kids. I resent it.”

    City dwellers with weekend houses on Copeces Lane
    have also complained about the Leons, upset that
    property values could be hurt by the less-upscale
    Latinos, said Richard Dunn, 65, an East Hampton
    teacher.

    “This is a town that’s driven by money and real
    estate,” he said. “People who are so concerned
    about Latinos feel they’re being driven out.”

    His own house is cleaned by Adriana Leon and her
    mother. “I have nothing but good feelings for them,”
    he said.

    On the morning of the raid, Mr. Aguilar, 40, had
    already left for work. He returned to find the
    shaken family reading the Bible together in the
    kitchen.

    For a time, the house became a gathering place
    for immigrants rounded up at other houses that
    morning, who were mostly released with notices
    to appear at deportation proceedings. Their accounts
    of the raids galvanized a group of local clergy,
    Hispanic activists and even a religious organization
    based in Costa Rica that flew in counselors.

    “It would appear that in the war against terrorism,
    agents of our nation are now acting in the role
    of terrorizers,” the group of local clergy, East
    End Clergy Concerned, wrote their congressman in
    a letter asking for an investigation.

    Mr. Aguilar tried to file a complaint about the
    raid with the town police but was rebuffed. “We don’t
    conduct investigations on another law enforcement agency,”
    Todd Sarris, the chief of police, explained.

    Nor was the raid a mistake, said Christopher Shanahan,
    director of deportation and removal for Immigration
    and Customs Enforcement in the New York region.

    “We would like to find fugitive aliens at 100 percent
    of the locations we go to, but it’s not an exact
    science,” he said.

    No records are kept to show how often the teams
    find the fugitives they are seeking. And the rules
    for the searches are murky.

    Unlike a criminal search warrant, which requires
    a judge to review the evidence and find probable
    cause for a search, the “administrative warrant”
    used by immigration agents is approved only by
    the team’s supervisor — and is valid only with
    the consent of the occupants, Mr. Shanahan said.

    But in what he described as standard practice,
    that consent bears little resemblance to what
    laymen or constitutional scholars expect. Once
    Erica’s grandmother let agents over the threshold,
    Mr. Shanahan said, there was no turning back.

    “Due to officer safety needs, they can look into
    other areas, to clear rooms,” he said. But he added:
    “If officers did something to humiliate people,
    I want to know about it. We are very adamant that
    we want our officers to be professional.”

    On a recent afternoon, back from a seventh-grade
    civics lesson on the separation of powers, Erica
    spoke about what had changed since the raid.

    “My mom wanted me to sleep in her room so I wouldn’t
    be scared,” she said. “Sometimes, we have heard,
    they take parents away from the children, or they
    take children from the parents.”

    When the agents left, she remembered, “they said
    they might come back.”

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    26) In East Harlem School Closing, Talk of a Class Divide
    By DAVID GONZALEZ
    April 10, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/nyregion/10citywide.html?ref=nyregion

    Lourdes Velasquez has seen it all in East Harlem. In the
    old days, it was a neighborhood for poor and working-class
    families. In the bad days, it was beset by guns and drugs.
    And now?

    Doormen. New high-rise buildings. Higher prices at the local
    supermarket. Young couples pushing strollers that cost more
    than a month’s rent in yet-to-be-renovated buildings.

    While she resented these gentrifiers who “discovered” the
    only neighborhood she has known for all of her 35 years,
    she also tried to ensure that her daughter, Chrystal, would
    be able to deal with the changes. She sent the girl to
    St. Francis de Sales School on East 97th Street off Lexington
    Avenue, paying $3,000 a year to give her the kind of Catholic
    education that enabled previous generations of working-class
    children to become professionals.

    But now St. Francis de Sales School itself may be joining
    the gentry.

    Ms. Velasquez and the other parents of almost 200 students
    in the school’s eight grades were abruptly told in early
    March that the school would close in June. But officials
    at the Archdiocese of New York, as well as other parents
    and clergy familiar with recent events, said they expected
    that the school would reopen in a year, possibly as a more
    expensive private academy or preschool.

    “They just want us out to make room for the new and
    improved people,” Ms. Velasquez said. “There is a plan
    for this neighborhood. I mean, look at First Avenue.
    They got doormen! It’s all connected. Look at Second
    Avenue. Why do they want to finish the subway now?
    These are not different issues. It’s all connected.”

    A little more than a decade ago, archdiocesan officials
    considered the school exemplary in its efforts to educate
    students in East Harlem. Then it was known as St. Francis
    de Sales & St. Lucy Academy, with some 600 students
    in two buildings. (Full disclosure: this reporter wrote
    a long article about the school’s success and was later
    made an honorary eighth-grade graduate).

    Falling enrollment led to St. Lucy’s closing three
    years ago. St. Francis de Sales continued as its own
    school in its building on East 97th Street, serving
    the working-class families, even as new and more
    expensive housing was springing up all over the
    neighborhood, including a high-rise next door. Parents
    saw the school — located in a pristine, if bland,
    red-brick building — as a haven that nurtured their
    dreams for their children.

    But as the neighborhood changed, so did things at the
    school. A new pastor, the Rev. Victor Muzzin, came
    in about three years ago, inheriting a school that
    had had a stormy relationship with its previous
    pastor. A new principal soon followed.

    Father Muzzin said he arrived at the parish to find
    $1,000 in its account and the school in debt. The
    school, he said, now has a $250,000 deficit. Tuition
    was raised only recently to $3,000 a year from $2,600
    a year. Numbers like that, he said, made it hard to
    keep it open.

    “I am not the kind of pastor who wakes up and says,
    ‘Gee, I have a $250,000 debt.’ I saw it coming three
    years earlier,” Father Muzzin said. “There was no
    hope for me to save this school.”

    An archdiocesan spokeswoman said that the decision
    to close the school was the parish’s, but that the
    archdiocese accepted it. Nor was it tied to the recent
    announcement that another shuttered Catholic school
    in Greenwich Village will reopen as a Catholic
    academy, with annual tuition approaching $25,000,
    said the spokeswoman, Jacqueline Lofaro.

    “They felt they could not support the school in its
    current incarnation,” Ms. Lofaro said. “What they
    plan to do is step back for a year and reopen it
    as some kind of parish school.”

    Just what kind remains to be seen. Father Muzzin
    said he had no plans at the moment, and that he
    was not inclined to rent out the school building
    to another private, secular school. Many parents
    said that might be because he wants to open a more
    expensive academy there.

    A little over a year ago, Father Muzzin said as
    much in the Sunday bulletin distributed at Mass.
    In it, he described how the school — which parents
    said served primarily black and Latino students —
    needed to attract a greater “variety of people”
    from the area.

    “Some parents have to wake up to the realization
    that they cannot afford Catholic Education,”
    he wrote. “Period.”

    The pastor’s message became clearer a few lines
    later: “I see the day in the not distant future
    when it will become the school of choice of all
    the Catholic parents in the neighborhood who now
    send their children to prestigious and pricey
    private schools,” he wrote. “Why spend $25,000
    when you can get the same thing for much, much
    less?”

    The bluntness of his comments riled many parents,
    who felt betrayed. After several generations of the
    church’s siding with the poor, parents saw in the
    remarks their pastor declaring a preferential option
    for the middle class.

    “But he wants the black and Hispanic children out
    first,” said Helen Torres, whose granddaughter
    Alexis attends the school. “Ninety-sixth Street
    is an up-and-coming area. But 30 years ago, it was
    us, the immigrants and the working class who donated
    our little pennies faithfully. He is turning his
    back on this community.”

    Father Muzzin countered that many of the students
    in the school were actually from other neighborhoods
    and commuted there with their parents, who worked
    at nearby hospitals. (A former teacher said the
    school has always drawn about a third of its students
    from commuters).

    “They dump their kids here, but they’re not creating
    a community,” Father Muzzin said. “What has changed
    is East Harlem is now creating community. From the
    dump it was in the ’90s, now it is a flourishing
    community.”

    He added that there were other Catholic schools
    in East Harlem that had improved. But he noted that
    with all the changes in the southern fringe of the
    neighborhood, middle-class parents needed other
    educational options, too.

    “They pay $3,000 rent for an apartment, and they
    have these jobs, which are O.K. and provide them
    with money, but at the end of the day they are
    under the same pressure as the poor who want to
    do good for themselves,” he said. “There is the
    poor middle class. What has the church done for them?”

    He suggested that while he could not see himself
    opening an academy charging $25,000 a year or more,
    some local families might respond to a Catholic school
    charging $12,000.

    “These are the people who come to church and leave
    the little money that keeps the place open before
    the marshal comes to close it down,” he said.

    Last Wednesday, children and parents huddled outside
    the school in the drizzle at the start of Easter recess.
    Down the block, a construction crew went about finishing
    a glass and metal sliver of a building that sprouted
    on what had been a parking lot. Across the street,
    an otherwise plain red-brick building that had been
    renovated only recently was for sale as a townhouse.

    Benedicta Almeida, a retired seamstress, slowly walked
    away with her granddaughter, Faith Angelique, a first
    grader at the school. The child, whom she is raising,
    was doing well when she attended preschool at
    St. Francis de Sales. First grade has been a little
    rockier: her mother died from cancer last year.

    “It has been a trauma,” she said. “She did not eat
    or sleep for a while. She still cries.”

    Ms. Almeida feels like crying herself. She, like
    many other parents, said the closing came without
    warning. She has yet to find another school for
    the girl.

    “This has affected her,” she said. “She is disoriented.
    She asks me: ‘Where am I going? What will happen to me?’ ”

    Ms. Velasquez is asking the same questions when
    it comes to her neighborhood. First St. Lucy’s closed.
    Now St. Francis de Sales. She is not taking a chance
    with another local school and plans to send her daughter,
    Chrystal, now a sixth grader, to a school on the West Side.

    “I am all for progress, but do they have to push
    us out?” she asked. “My daughter has been in two
    schools that closed. It’s ridiculous. Everybody
    is going to leave. It’s ridiculous, but that’s what
    they want us to do.”

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    27) Reflections by the Commander in Chief
    A BRUTAL REPLY
    Fidel Castro Ruz
    April 10, 2007
    http://www.cuba.cu/gobierno/discursos/2007/ing/f100407i.html

    George W. Bush is undoubtedly the most genuine representative of a system of
    terror forced on the world by the technological, economic and political
    superiority of the most powerful country known to this planet. For this
    reason, we share the tragedy of the American people and their ethical
    values. The instructions for the verdict issued by Judge Kathleen Cardone,
    of the El Paso Federal Court last Friday, granting Luis Posada Carriles
    freedom on bail, could only have come from the White House.

    It was President Bush himself who ignored at all times the criminal and
    terrorist nature of the defendant who was protected with a simple accusation
    of immigration violation leveled at him. The reply is brutal. The government
    of the United States and its most representative institutions had already
    decided to release the monster.

    The backgrounds are well-known and reach far back. The people who trained
    him and ordered him to destroy a Cuban passenger plane in midair, with 73
    athletes, students and other Cuban and foreign travelers on board, together
    with its dedicated crew; those who bought his freedom while the terrorist
    was held in prison in Venezuela, so that he could supply and practically
    conduct a dirty war against the people of Nicaragua, resulting in the loss
    of thousands of lives and the devastation of a country for decades to come;
    those who empowered him to smuggle with drugs and weapons making a mockery
    of the laws of Congress; those who collaborated with him to create the
    terrible Operation Condor and to internationalize terror; the same who
    brought torture, death and often the physical disappearance of hundreds of
    thousands of Latin Americans, could not possibly act any different.

    Even though Bush‚s decision was to be expected, it is certainly no less
    humiliating for our people. Thanks to the revelations of „Por Esto!‰ a
    Mexican publication from the state of Quintana Roo later complemented by our
    own sources, Cuba knew with absolute precision how Posada Carriles entered
    from Central America, via Cancun, to the Isla Mujeres departing from there
    on board the Santrina, after the ship was inspected by the Mexican federal
    authorities, heading with other terrorists straight to Miami.

    Denounced and publicly challenged with exact information on the matter,
    since April 15, 2005, it took the government of that country more than a
    month to arrest the terrorist, and a year and two months to admit that Luis
    Posada Carriles had entered through the Florida coast illegally on board the
    Santrina, a presumed school-ship licensed in the United States.

    Not a single word is said of his countless victims, of the bombs he set off
    in tourist facilities in recent years, of his dozens of plans financed by
    the government of the United States to physically eliminate me.

    It was not enough for Bush to offend the name of Cuba by installing a
    horrible torture center similar to Abu Ghraib on the territory illegally
    occupied in Guantánamo, horrifying the world with this procedure. The cruel
    actions of his predecessors seemed not enough for him. It was not enough to
    force a poor and underdeveloped country like Cuba to spend 100 billion
    dollars. To accuse Posada Carriles was tantamount to accusing himself.

    Throughout almost half a century, everything was fair game against our small
    island lying 90 miles away from its coast, wanting to be independent.
    Florida saw the installation of the largest station for intelligence and
    subversion that ever existed on this planet.

    It was not enough to send a mercenary invasion on the Bay of Pigs, costing
    us 176 dead and more than 300 wounded at a time when the few medical
    specialists they left us had no experience treating war wounds.

    Earlier still, the French ship La Coubre carrying Belgian weapons and
    grenades for Cuba had exploded on the docks of Havana Harbor. The two well
    synchronized explosions caused the deaths of more than 100 workers and
    wounded others as many of them tool part in the rescue attempts.

    It was not enough to have the Missile Crisis of 1962, which brought the
    world to the brink of an all-consuming thermonuclear war, at a time when
    there were bombs 50 times more powerful than the ones dropped on Hiroshima
    and Nagasaki.

    It was not enough to introduce in our country viruses, bacteria and fungi to
    attack plantations and flocks; and incredible as it may seem, to attack
    human beings. Some of these pathogens came out of American laboratories and
    were brought to Cuba by well-known terrorists in the service of the United
    States government.

    Add to all this the enormous injustice of keeping five heroic patriots
    imprisoned for supplying information about terrorist activities; they were
    condemned in a fraudulent manner to sentences that include two life
    sentences and they stoically withstand cruel mistreatment, each of them in a
    different prison.

    Time and again the Cuban people have fearlessly faced the threat of death.
    They have demonstrated that with intelligence, using appropriate tactics and
    strategies, and especially preserving unity around their political and
    social vanguard, there can be no force on this earth capable of defeating
    them.

    I think that the coming May Day celebration would be the ideal day for our
    people, --using the minimum of fuel and transportation-- to show their
    feelings to the workers and the poor of the world.

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    28) Now the South Erupts
    Inter Press Service
    Ali al-Fadhily*
    http://www.dahrjamailiraq.com/hard_news/archives/iraq/000564.php#more

    BASRA, Apr 11 (IPS) - The eruption of demonstrations in the
    south of Iraq this week could rob the occupation forces of
    what was considered a critical bastion of support.

    The southern areas of Iraq have long been said to be secure,
    and people there peaceful towards the occupation forces. Iraqis
    living in the south were also believed to be cooperative with
    the occupation to the extent that they supported administrative
    steps taken by successive Iraqi governments.

    The majority of the population of the south are Shia Muslims,
    and Iraq has had Shia- dominated governments under the occupation.

    But demonstrations against the occupation and the United States
    by hundreds of thousands of angry Shias in Najaf, Kut and other
    cities across the south Apr. 9 mark a sharp break from a policy
    of cooperation. Protesters demanded an end to the U.S.-led
    occupation, burnt U.S. flags and chanted "Death to America!"

    Brig. Gen. Abdul Karim al-Mayahi, a police commander in Najaf,
    told reporters that at least half a million people joined the
    demonstration there.

    Lt. Col. Christopher Garver, a U.S. military spokesman in Baghdad,
    told reporters, "We say that we're here to support democracy.
    We say that free speech and freedom of assembly are part of that.
    While we don't necessarily agree with the message, we agree with
    their right to say it."

    Clashes after the demonstration left at least one U.S. soldier
    dead and another wounded in Diwaniyah, 180 km south of Baghdad.

    "We have been patient and we have sacrificed a lot thinking the
    situation would be better one day soon," Hussein Ali, a teacher
    from Diwaniyah told IPS. "The result we see now is that we were
    dragged into a swamp of hatred between brothers, and that all
    the bloodshed was for the sake of war leaders to get more power
    and fortune."

    Fighting is continuing in Diwaniyah between the occupation
    forces and the Mehdi Army led by Shia cleric Muqtada al-Sadr.
    Additional U.S. and Iraqi troops have been brought into the city
    to make arrests and carry out door-to-door raids in search
    of illegal weapons and wanted militiamen.

    Muqtada al-Sadr, quiet for a considerable period after clashing
    with U.S. troops early on in the occupation period, publicly
    called on his militia to attack occupation troops.

    So far this month, five occupation troops have been killed
    every day on average, according to U.S. Department
    of Defence figures.

    The new Shia armed uprising, which appears to be in its early
    days, is a further blow to occupation forces that are already
    stretched thin.

    "Four years of patience and what do we get?" Ali Hashim,
    a merchant from the southern city Basra told IPS. "We got
    nothing but the loss of our country to those who spoke a lot
    but did nothing. The United States failed us and sold us cheap
    to those who would have no mercy on us."

    Mahmood al-Lamy, a historian from Basra told IPS the situation
    there was critical.

    "Basra is the biggest southern city and the only Iraqi city
    that has a port near the Gulf. It is now controlled by various
    militias who fight each other from time to time over an oil
    smuggling business that is flourishing under the occupation."

    Lamy said residents fear that "the situation here will be
    a lot worse in the coming months due to disputes that are
    appearing between major parties."

    Lamy was referring to the withdrawal last month of the al-Fadhila
    Party from the Shia Islamic Coalition Parliament Group, and the
    dismissal of two ministers from the al-Sadr movement as
    a punishment for contacting U.S. officials in Nasiriyah
    in southern Iraq.

    The Shia political group is increasingly divided over many
    issues, and it seems unlikely that it will hold together.
    But many of the groups are increasingly opposed to the
    occupation.

    "We were late to realise that we were wrong about U.S.
    intentions," Salman Yassen of the Basra city municipality
    council told IPS. "We waited four years while U.S. and Iraqi
    authorities kept us busy fighting each other while they were
    setting the plan of stealing our oil and tearing our country
    apart so that their allies would feel safe."

    Four years of the occupation of Iraq have seen many changes
    in U.S. strategies, ambassadors and tactics, but the changes
    may be too little, too late.

    "The delay in moving politically has cost Iraq, the U.S.
    and many other countries a great deal," former Iraqi police
    colonel Ahmed Jabbar told IPS in Baghdad. "The least to be
    said is that the world would have been better off without
    this occupation and the catastrophic security disturbance
    it has caused."

    *(Ali, our correspondent in Baghdad, works in close collaboration
    with Dahr Jamail, our U.S.-based specialist writer on Iraq who
    travels extensively in the region)

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    29) Cuban Youth Searching for Their Inner Selves
    Juventud Rebelde reveals the finding of its Third National Survey of Youth
    2007-04-10 | 13:31:23 EST
    http://www.juventudrebelde.co.cu/cuba/2007-04-10/cuban-youth-searching-for-their-inner-selves-/

    The Cuban Center for Youth Studies (CESJ in Spanish) carried
    out an important investigation – not only learn about young
    people more deeply, but to encourage further studies.

    The Third National Survey of Youth was given to more than
    3,000 youngsters, ranging from 15 to 29 years of age, all
    living in urban areas in all the provinces of the island.
    The survey looked into conditions and influences, which
    included their socio-demographic characteristics, housing
    and economic conditions, education and employment situation,
    and leisure opportunities.

    Below, JR describes the youth interviewed and the
    survey findings.

    Looking Inside

    For French writer Honore de Balzac, marriage was
    “in the end, a passionate battle where spouses ask
    for God’s blessing because loving ‘until death do
    us part’ is the most frightful of tasks.” Maybe
    this is why our youth suffer gamophobia (the fear
    of marriage). Consequently, as the survey reveals,
    most of them are still singles.

    Another of the questions addressed is the sensitive
    problem of housing, a major challenge facing Cuban
    society as a whole, and which is also experienced
    by youth. More than the 50 percent of them live
    in houses with construction problems.

    Interviewees complained about space and structural
    conditions of their houses, considering them insufficient
    for their development. Housing issues, family dependence
    and a lack of privacy are their principal dilemmas.

    Still, it’s revealing that 72.3 percent have their
    own room or a minimally shared room. Overcrowding
    tends to be more frequent in substandard housing.

    The Pocket Economy

    Although the Cuban economy moved forward and overcame
    the harsh recession of the 1990s, people’s pockets
    didn’t seem to catch up that fast. The household budget
    of Cubans must still adjust to shortages.

    Most interviewees are economically dependent on
    other people. Most of them live in the eastern
    region of the island, are women and range between
    the ages of 15 and 29.

    The survey demonstrated that youth spend their incomes
    in the same way as the rest of the population: on food,
    clothes, shoes, and household expenses. Women and young
    adult share their income in accordance with other people’s
    needs or with those of the home.

    Seeking the Other Half

    Some youngsters read through the horoscope to learn
    of their fortune in affairs of the heart, or to look
    for secret aphrodisiacs or some other sort of aid to
    make them luckier in their pursuits. If you ask them
    about one of their main goals, with no hesitation they
    will answer: finding a partner. The same sentiments
    were expressed by the investigators, especially the
    women. They give top priority to this goal. Meanwhile
    youth over 25 vehemently defended the right to be single.

    Love and common likes are fundamental to a successful
    relationship, asserted the youth, with all agreeing
    that this was regardless of sex or age.

    Regarding the prior study (the Second National Survey
    of Youth), some of the youth’s priorities have shifted
    in importance. Having children, in particular, has
    dropped from the third to the seventh position —
    an alarming sign given the unbalanced aging of
    Cuban society.

    Issues of greatest interest for this cohort were
    those related to employment, leisure, personal
    problems and future plans.

    Employment on the Mind

    The study demonstrated that over the 36 percent
    of youth are students, while high school graduates
    are 50 percent of this population and university
    graduates 35.5 percent.

    The largest part of the younger generation are
    workers (37.7 percent). This group is made up mainly
    of manual laborers, technicians, and service workers
    — most of them working for the government.

    When the study was carried out, most unemployed youth
    spent their time doing house chores; the rest could
    be divided into two groups: those who didn’t work
    or study and those actively looking for employment.

    Just as in the second national survey, the state
    sector —along with the developing sector (tourism,
    joint ventures, and publicly-run corporations) —
    continue to be the most popular among youth.

    Interviewees say their choice of field of employment
    is closely related to the country’s economic situation,
    the search for better working conditions as well
    as the pay offered.

    Prejudices and Stereotypes

    Although hardly no teenagers and youth said they
    had experienced rejection or mistreatment, they
    highlighted certain prejudices and stereotypes that
    go against the principles of Cuba’s socialist system.

    A small number had experienced rejection within
    society, owing to difference of opinion, their
    economic situation, sex, or skin color.

    Racial stereotypes have promoted discriminatory
    behavior among adolescence and youth, especially
    within the family and among couples.

    The availability and use of free time was also
    underlined as a problem. The majority said to have
    little options for leisure. Likewise, there is a
    tendency to fulfill those needs using personal
    resources and not those provided by the government.

    The primary aspirations of adolescence and youth
    regarding family, studies, and employment go hand
    in hand with the principles of Cuban society. Their
    main aspirations are to find a partner, to strengthen
    their present relationship, to go to college and work
    in a field that allows them to satisfy their spiritual
    and material needs.

    Youth shift between reality and longings, between
    dilemmas and the dreams of solving them. Cuban youth,
    with its contradictions and challenges, is constructing
    the destiny of our country — leading the way to humanism,
    like the morning precedes the day.

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    LINKS AND VERY SHORT STORIES

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    Robert Fisk: Divide and rule - America's plan for Baghdad
    "Revealed: a new counter-insurgency strategy to carve up
    the city into sealed areas. The tactic failed in Vietnam.
    So what chance does it have in Iraq?"
    http://news.independent.co.uk/world/fisk/article2439530.ece

    Published: 11 April 2007

    Refugees Speak of Escape from Hell
    Inter Press Service
    Dahr Jamail
    "DAMASCUS, Apr 11 (IPS) - Refugees from Iraq scattered
    around Damascus describe hellish conditions in the country
    they managed to leave behind."
    April 11, 2007
    http://www.dahrjamailiraq.com/hard_news/archives/syria/000565.php#more

    Manhattan: Leash-Free Dogs at Night in City Parks
    By TIMOTHY WILLIAMS
    The Parks and Recreation Department announced yesterday
    that a policy of allowing dogs off leashes during overnight
    hours will become effective next month. Beginning May 10,
    owners with a license and proof of a current rabies
    vaccination will be permitted to let their dogs roam
    in designated areas of city parks from 9 p.m. to 9 a.m.
    Under an unofficial policy, the department has for years
    not given tickets to dog owners who let their pets run
    free at night in parks.
    April 11, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/11/nyregion/11mbrfs-dogs.html

    How Trees Might Not Be Green in Carbon Offsetting Debate
    http://www.commondreams.org/archive/2007/04/10/443/

    There is climate change censorship - and it's the
    deniers who dish it out
    "Global warming scientists are under intense pressure
    to water down findings, and are then accused
    of silencing their critics."
    George Monbiot
    Tuesday April 10, 2007
    The Guardian
    http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/story/0,,2053521,00.html

    American Tortured in Iraq Sues Rumsfeld
    http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/040907J.shtml

    And These Refugees Are Lucky
    http://www.dahrjamailiraq.com/hard_news/archives/syria/000561.php#more

    Bush Renews Effort on Immigration Plan
    By DAVID STOUT
    April 9, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/washington/09cnd-prexy.html?hp

    Ranchers and Army Are at Odds in Old West
    By DAN FROSCH
    "DENVER, April 6 — Mack Louden worries that his 30,000-acre
    ranch sits in the cross hairs of the Army’s plans to expand
    its Piñon Canyon Maneuver Site at Fort Carson, and he, along
    with other Colorado ranchers, are increasingly upset
    about the idea.
    'Where we live, how we live, it’s all going to die a slow death
    if the Army gets our land,' said Mr. Louden, a fourth-
    generation rancher from Las Animas County, along the
    southern edge of the state."
    April 9, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/us/09hearing.html?ref=washington

    Big Coal Invokes Reverse Nuremberg Defense
    Massey Energy's CEO: Just Giving Orders, Not Carrying Them Out
    By CORPORATE CRIME REPORTER
    April 9, 2007
    http://www.counterpunch.com/ccr04092007.html

    The political situation in Venezuela – interview
    with Yonie Moreno, member of the CMR in Venezuela
    By Yonnie Moreno
    Monday, 09 April 2007
    www.handsoffvenezuela.org/political_situation_venezuela_moreno.htm

    FOCUS | US Warplanes Attack Shiites as Civil War Rages in Iraq
    http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/040807Z.shtml

    FOCUS | Thousands in LA Demand Immigrant Rights
    http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/040807Y.shtml

    Pesticides Linked to Honeybee Population Decline
    http://www.organicconsumers.org/articles/article_4279.cfm

    Executive Pay: A Special Report
    More Pieces. Still a Puzzle.
    By ERIC DASH
    April 8, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/business/yourmoney/08pay.html?ref=business

    Matt Renner | Pentagon Office Created Phony Intel on Iraq/al-Qaeda Link
    http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/040607A.shtml

    Number of US Uninsured Soars, Along with Big Pharma Profits
    http://www.commondreams.org/archive/2007/04/06/343/

    Wolfowitz Accused of Nepotism at World Bank
    http://www.commondreams.org/archive/2007/04/06/341/

    Leading article: The world's biggest polluters
    can no longer ignore the evidence
    Climate change presents one of the most serious
    threats ever faced by human life on the planet
    Published: 07 April 2007
    http://comment.independent.co.uk/leading_articles/article2430107.ece

    Colombian Conflict Spills Across its Venezuelan Border
    By: Humberto Márquez - IPS
    Wednesday, Apr 04, 2007
    www.venezuelanalysis.com/articles.php?artno=2007

    FOCUS | Scientific Panel Issues Devastating Climate Change Report
    http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/040707Z.shtml

    What If Iran Had Invaded Mexico?
    Putting the Iran Crisis in Context
    By Noam Chomsky
    "The debate over Iranian interference in Iraq proceeds
    without ridicule on the assumption that the United States
    owns the world. We did not, for example, engage
    in a similar debate in the 1980s about whether
    the U.S. was interfering in Soviet-occupied Afghanistan."
    04/06/07
    http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article17491.htm

    A civil rights revolution with 'netroots' origins
    "A14-year-old black girl from tiny Paris, Texas, was sent
    to a youth prison for up to seven years for shoving
    a hall monitor at her high school.
    The same judge sentenced a 14-year-old white girl
    to probation for burning down her family's house."
    April 5, 2007
    http://www.insidebayarea.com/opinion/ci_5599216

    Questions Linger About Bushes and BCCI Bank
    http://www.commondreams.org/archive/2007/04/05/326/

    Canadian Seal Hunt Opens Again Amidst Outcry
    http://www.commondreams.org/archive/2007/04/05/332/

    World Health Day: How Much Can Iraq Survive
    Inter Press Service
    Ali al-Fadhily
    http://dahrjamailiraq.com
    http://uruknet.info/?p=m31918&s1=h1
    http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=37236

    Federal Official in Student Loans Held Loan Stock
    By JONATHAN D. GLATER and KAREN W. ARENSON
    April 6, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/06/education/06loans.html?hp

    Pope's book accuses rich nations of robbery
    · Benedict hails Marx's analysis of modern man
    · Publication planned for 80th birthday
    John Hooper in Rome
    Guardian
    "Pope Benedict appeared to reach out to the anti-globalisation
    movement yesterday, attacking rich nations for having
    "plundered and sacked" Africa and other poor regions
    of the world.
    An extract published from his first book since being elected
    pope highlighted the passionately anti-materialistic and
    anti-capitalist aspects of his thinking. Unexpectedly,
    the Pope also approvingly cited Karl Marx and his analysis
    of contemporary man as a victim of alienation."
    April 5, 2007
    http://books.guardian.co.uk/news/articles/0,,2050255,00.html

    None of the Democratic Contenders Has Called for the
    Closure of the Guantanamo Prison Of Confessions and Torture
    By MARGARET KIMBERLY
    April 4, 2007
    http://www.counterpunch.com/kimberly04042007.html

    Quota Quickly Filled on Visas for High-Tech Guest Workers
    By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
    The federal Citizenship and Immigration Services reached
    its 2008 limit for skilled-worker visa petitions in a single
    day and says it will not accept any more, to the dismay
    of technology companies that rely on the visas to hire
    foreign employees.
    The agency began accepting petitions Monday for the fiscal
    year starting Oct. 1 and said it received about 150,000
    applications by midafternoon.
    The temporary H-1B visas are for foreign workers with
    high-technology skills or in specialty occupations.
    Congress has mandated that the immigration agency
    limit the visas granted to 65,000, although the cap
    does not apply to petitions made on behalf of current
    H-1B holders, and an additional 20,000 visas can be
    granted to applicants who hold advanced degrees from
    American academic institutions.
    The agency said it would use computers to pick visa
    recipients randomly from the applications received
    Monday and Tuesday. It will reject the rest of the
    applications and return the filing fees.
    Employers seek H-1B visas on behalf of scientists,
    engineers, computer programmers and other workers
    with theoretical or technical expertise. About one-
    third of Microsoft’s 46,000 employees in the United
    States have work visas or are legal permanent residents
    with green cards, said Ginny Terzano, a spokeswoman
    for the company.
    “We are trying to work with Congress to get the cap
    increased,” Ms. Terzano said. “Our real preference
    here is that there not be a cap at all.”
    Compete America, a coalition that includes Microsoft,
    the chip maker Intel, the business software company
    Oracle and others, voiced its opposition to the
    visa cap in a statement Tuesday.
    “Our broken visa policies for highly educated foreign
    professionals are not only counterproductive, they
    are anticompetitive and detrimental to America’s
    long-term economic competitiveness,” said Robert
    E. Hoffman, an Oracle vice president and co-chairman
    of Compete America.
    April 5, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/05/business/05visa.html

    California: Plea for a Shorter Sentence
    By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
    The lawyer and parents of John Walker Lindh, the American-
    born Taliban soldier serving 20 years in prison after his
    capture in Afghanistan, called on President Bush to commute
    his sentence and set him free. The renewed call to shorten
    the sentence was based on a nine-month term that David Hicks,
    an Australian, received Saturday after pleading guilty to
    supporting terrorism. “In the atmosphere of the time, the
    best John could get was a plea bargain and a 20-year
    sentence,” said Mr. Lindh’s father, Frank Lindh. The White
    House did not return a call seeking comment.
    April 5, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/05/us/05brfs-PLEAFORASHOR_BRF.html

    Castro Again Chides U.S. on Ethanol Plan
    By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
    HAVANA, April 4 (AP) — The ailing Cuban leader Fidel
    Castro returned to the public debate — if not view —
    for the second time in less than a week on Wednesday
    with a column in the Communist Party newspaper Granma.
    Mr. Castro, 80, chided the Bush administration for its
    support of ethanol production for automobiles, a move
    that he said would leave the world’s poor hungry.
    It was his second article on the issue in less than
    a week, indicating that he is increasingly eager to
    have his voice heard on international matters, eight
    months after stepping down as Cuba’s president because
    of illness.
    Cuba has experimented with using sugar cane for ethanol
    production, but now that the United States has embraced
    the idea, Mr. Castro and his ally Hugo Chávez, the
    president of Venezuela, have expressed concern that
    rich countries will buy up the food crops of poor nations
    to meet their energy needs, threatening millions with
    starvation.
    April 5, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/05/world/americas/05cuba.html

    Havana rights
    Calvin Tucker
    March 28, 2007 8:30 PM
    http://commentisfree.guardian.co.uk/calvin_tucker/2007/03/the_street_sce
    ne_was_entertain.html

    Marking Time, Making Do
    By JOHN FREEMAN GILL
    NY Times, April 1, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/01/nyregion/thecity/01subw.html

    *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*
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    GENERAL ANNOUNCEMENTS AND INFORMATION
    *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*
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    DEMAND THE RELEASE OF SAMI AL-ARIAN

    The National Council of Arab Americans (NCA) demands the immediate
    release of political prisoner, Dr. Sami Al-Arian. Although
    Dr. Al-Arian is no longer on a hunger strike we must still demand
    he be released by the US Department of Justice (DOJ). After an earlier
    plea agreement that absolved Dr. Al-Arian from any further questioning,
    he was sentenced up to 18 months in jail for refusing to testify before
    a grand jury in Virginia. He has long sense served his time yet
    Dr. Al-Arian is still being held. Release him now!

    See:
    http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=07/03/16/1410255

    ACTION:

    We ask all people of conscience to demand the immediate
    release and end to Dr. Al- Arian's suffering.

    Call, Email and Write:

    1- Attorney General Alberto Gonzales
    Department of Justice
    U.S. Department of Justice
    950 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW
    Washington, DC 20530-0001
    Fax Number: (202) 307-6777
    Email: AskDOJ@usdoj.gov

    2- The Honorable John Conyers, Jr
    2426 Rayburn Building
    Washington, DC 20515
    (202) 225-5126
    (202) 225-0072 Fax
    John.Conyers@mail.house.gov

    3- Senator Patrick Leahy
    433 Russell Senate Office Building
    United States Senate
    Washington, DC 20510
    (202)224-4242
    senator_leahy@leahy.senate.gov

    4- Honorable Judge Gerald Lee
    U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia
    401 Courthouse Square, Alexandria, VA 22314
    March 22, 2007
    [No email given...bw]

    National Council of Arab Americans (NCA)
    http://www.arab-american.net/

    Criminalizing Solidarity: Sami Al-Arian and the War of
    Terror
    By Charlotte Kates, The Electronic Intifada, 4 April 2007
    http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article6767.shtml

    Related:

    Robert Fisk: The true story of free speech in America
    This systematic censorship of Middle East reality
    continues even in schools
    Published: 07 April 2007
    http://news. independent. co.uk/world/ fisk/article2430 125.ece

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    *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*

    [For some levity...Hans Groiner plays Monk
    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=51bsCRv6kI0
    ...bw]

    Excerpt of interview between Barbara Walters and Hugo Chavez
    http://www.borev.net/2007/03/what_you_had_something_better.html

    Which country should we invade next?
    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q3g_zqz3VjY

    My Favorite Mutiny, The Coup
    http://www.myspace.com/thecoupmusic

    Michael Moore- The Awful Truth
    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xeOaTpYl8mE

    Morse v. Frederick Supreme Court arguments
    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=n_LsGoDWC0o

    Free Speech 4 Students Rally - Media Montage
    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RfCjfod8yuw

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    'My son lived a worthwhile life'
    In April 2003, 21-year old Tom Hurndall was shot in the head
    in Gaza by an Israeli soldier as he tried to save the lives of three
    small children. Nine months later, he died, having never
    recovered consciousness. Emine Saner talks to his mother
    Jocelyn about her grief, her fight to make the Israeli army
    accountable for his death and the book she has written
    in his memory.
    Monday March 26, 2007
    The Guardian
    http://www.guardian.co.uk/israel/Story/0,,2042968,00.html

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    Introducing...................the Apple iRack
    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=o-KWYYIY4jQ

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    "A War Budget Leaves Every Child Behind."
    [A T-shirt worn by some teachers at Roosevelt High School
    in L.A. as part of their campaign to rid the school of military
    recruiters and JROTC--see Article in Full item number 4, below...bw]

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    THIS IS AN EXCELLENT VIDEO DESTRIBUTED BY U.S. LABOR AGAINST
    THE WAR (USLAW) FEATURING SPEAKERS AT THE JANUARY 27TH
    MARCH ON WASHINGTON FOCUSING ON THE DEMAND - BRING
    THE TROOPS HOME NOW.
    http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=6935451906479097836&hl=en

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    Defend the Los Angeles Eight!
    http://www.committee4justice.com/

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    George Takai responds to Tim Hardaway's homophobic remarks
    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kcJoJZIcQW4&eurl_

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    Iran
    http://www.lucasgray.com/video/peacetrain.html

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    Another view of the war. A link from Amer Jubran
    http://d3130.servadmin.com/~leeflash/

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    Petition: Halt the Blue Angels
    http://action.globalexchange.org/petition.jsp?petition_KEY=458
    http://www.care2.com/c2c/share/detail/289327

    *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*
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    A Girl Like Me
    7:08 min
    Youth Documentary
    Kiri Davis, Director, Reel Works Teen Filmmaking, Producer
    Winner of the Diversity Award
    Sponsored by Third Millennium Foundation
    http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=1091431409617440489

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    Film/Song about Angola
    http://www.prisonactivist.org/angola/

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    "200 million children in the world sleep in the streets today.
    Not one of them is Cuban."
    (A sign in Havana)
    Venceremos
    View sign at bottom of page at:
    http://www.cubasolidarity.net/index.html
    [Thanks to Norma Harrison for sending this...bw]

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    FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

    "Cheyenne and Arapaho oral histories hammer history's account of the
    Sand Creek Massacre"

    CENTENNIAL, CO -- A new documentary film based on an award-winning
    documentary short film, "The Sand Creek Massacre", and driven by
    Southern Cheyenne and Arapaho people who tell their version about
    what happened during the Sand Creek Massacre via their oral
    histories, has been released by Olympus Films+, LLC, a Centennial,
    Colorado film company.

    "You have done an extraordinary job" said Margie Small, Tobient
    Entertainment, " on the Colorado PBS episode, the library videos for
    public schools and libraries, the trailer, etc...and getting the
    story told and giving honor to those ancestors who had to witness
    this tragic and brutal attack...film is one of the best ways."

    "The images shown in the film were selected for native awareness
    value" said Donald L. Vasicek, award-winning writer/filmmaker, "we
    also focused on preserving American history on film because tribal
    elders are dying and taking their oral histories with them. The film
    shows a non-violent solution to problem-solving and 19th century
    Colorado history, so it's multi-dimensional in that sense. "

    Chief Eugene Blackbear, Sr., Cheyenne, who starred as Chief Black
    Kettle in "The Last of the Dogmen" also starring Tom Berenger and
    Barbara Hershey and "Dr. Colorado", Tom Noel, University of Colorado
    history professor, are featured.

    The trailer can be viewed and the film can be ordered for $24.95 plus
    $4.95 for shipping and handling at http://www.fullduck.com/node/53.

    Vasicek's web site, http://www.donvasicek.com, provides detailed
    information about the Sand Creek Massacre including various still
    images particularly on the Sand Creek Massacre home page and on the
    proposal page.

    Olympus Films+, LLC is dedicated to writing and producing quality
    products that serve to educate others about the human condition.

    Contact:

    Donald L. Vasicek
    Olympus Films+, LLC
    7078 South Fairfax Street
    Centennial, CO 80122
    http://us.imdb.com/Name?Vasicek,+Don
    http://www.donvasicek.com
    dvasicek@earthlink.net
    303-903-2103

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    A NEW LOOK AT U.S. RADIOACTIVE WEAPONS
    Join us in a campaign to expose and stop the use
    of these illegal weapons
    http://poisondust.org/

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    You may enjoy watching these.
    In struggle
    Che:
    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nqcezl9dD2c
    Leon:
    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ukkFVV5X0p4

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    FIGHTBACK! A Collection of Socialist Essays
    By Sylvia Weinstein
    http://www.walterlippmann.com/sylvia-weinstein-fightback-intro.html

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    [The Scab
    "After God had finished the rattlesnake, the toad,
    and the vampire, he had some awful substance left with
    which he made a scab."
    "A scab is a two-legged animal with a corkscrew soul,
    a water brain, a combination backbone of jelly and glue.
    Where others have hearts, he carries a tumor of rotten
    principles." "When a scab comes down the street,
    men turn their backs and angels weep in heaven, and
    the devil shuts the gates of hell to keep him out."
    "No man (or woman) has a right to scab so long as there
    is a pool of water to drown his carcass in,
    or a rope long enough to hang his body with.
    Judas was a gentleman compared with a scab.
    For betraying his master, he had character enough
    to hang himself." A scab has not.
    "Esau sold his birthright for a mess of pottage.
    Judas sold his Savior for thirty pieces of silver.
    Benedict Arnold sold his country for a promise of
    a commision in the british army."
    The scab sells his birthright, country, his wife,
    his children and his fellowmen for an unfulfilled
    promise from his employer.
    Esau was a traitor to himself; Judas was a traitor
    to his God; Benedict Arnold was a traitor to his country;
    a scab is a traitor to his God, his country,
    his family and his class."
    Author --- Jack London (1876-1916)...Roland Sheppard
    http://web.mac.com/rolandgarret]

    *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*
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    END ALL U.S. AID TO ISRAEL!
    Stop funding Israel's war against Palestine
    Complete the form at the website listed below with your information.
    https://secure2.convio.net/pep/site/Advocacy?
    JServSessionIdr003=cga2p2o6x1.app2a&cmd=display&page=UserAction&id=177

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    Sand Creek Massacre
    "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING DOCUMENTARY
    SHORT FEATURED AT NATIVE AMERICAN FILM FESTIVAL:
    http://www.aberdeennews.com/mld/aberdeennews/news/local/16035305.htm
    (scroll down when you get there])
    "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING
    WRITER/FILMMAKER DONALD L. VASICEK REPORT:
    http://www.digitalcinemareport.com/sandcreekmassacre.html
    "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING DOCUMENTARY
    SHORT FINALIST IN DOCUMENTARY CHANNEL COMPETITION (VIEW HERE):
    http://www.docupyx.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=28&Itemid=41
    VIEW "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING DOCUMENTARY
    SHORT FILM MOVIE OF THE WEEK FOR FREE HERE:
    http://twymancreative.com/twymanc.html

    On November 29, 1864, 700 Colorado troops savagely slaughtered
    over 450 Cheyenne children, disabled, elders, and women in the
    southeastern Colorado Territory under its protection. This act
    became known as the Sand Creek Massacre. This film project
    ("The Sand Creek Massacre" documentary film project) is an
    examination of an open wound in the souls of the Cheyenne
    people as told from their perspective. This project chronicles
    that horrific 19th century event and its affect on the 21st century
    struggle for respectful coexistence between white and native
    plains cultures in the United States of America.

    Listed below are links on which you can click to get the latest news,
    products, and view, free, "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" award-
    winning documentary short. In order to create more native
    awareness, particularly to save the roots of America's history,
    please read the following:

    Some people in America are trying to save the world. Bless
    them. In the meantime, the roots of America are dying.
    What happens to a plant when the roots die? The plant dies
    according to my biology teacher in high school. American's
    roots are its native people. Many of America's native people
    are dying from drug and alcohol abuse, poverty, hunger,
    and disease, which was introduced to them by the Caucasian
    male. Tribal elders are dying. When they die, their oral
    histories go with them. Our native's oral histories are the
    essence of the roots of America, what took place before
    our ancestors came over to America, what is taking place,
    and what will be taking place. It is time we replenish
    America's roots with native awareness, else America
    continues its decaying, and ultimately, its death.

    You can help. The 22-MINUTE SAND CREEK MASSACRE
    DOCUMENTARY PRESENTATION/EDUCATIONAL DVD IS
    READY FOR PURCHASE! (pass the word about this powerful
    educational tool to friends, family, schools, parents, teachers,
    and other related people and organizations to contact
    me (dvasicek@earthlink.net, 303-903-2103) for information
    about how they can purchase the DVD and have me come
    to their children's school to show the film and to interact
    in a questions and answers discussion about the Sand
    Creek Massacre.

    Happy Holidays!

    Donald L. Vasicek
    Olympus Films+, LLC
    http://us.imdb.com/Name?Vasicek,+Don
    http://www.donvasicek.com
    dvasicek@earthlink.net
    303-903-2103

    "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING DOCUMENTARY
    SHORT FEATURED AT NATIVE AMERICAN FILM FESTIVAL:
    http://www.aberdeennews.com/mld/aberdeennews/news/local/16035305.htm
    (scroll down when you get there])
    "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING
    WRITER/FILMMAKER DONALD L. VASICEK REPORT:
    http://www.digitalcinemareport.com/sandcreekmassacre.html
    "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING DOCUMENTARY
    SHORT FINALIST IN DOCUMENTARY CHANNEL COMPETITION (VIEW HERE):
    http://www.docupyx.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=28&Itemid=41
    VIEW "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING DOCUMENTARY
    SHORT FILM MOVIE OF THE WEEK FOR FREE HERE:
    http://twymancreative.com/twymanc.html

    SHOP:
    http://www.manataka.org/page633.html
    BuyIndies.com
    donvasicek.com.

    Tuesday, April 10, 2007
     

    BAUAW NEWSLETTER - TUESDAY, APRIL 10, 2007

    *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*
    *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*
    ARTICLES IN FULL:
    *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*
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    1) All That You Can Be
    Risk Management
    by Lauren Collins
    April 9, 2007
    http://www.newyorker.com/talk/2007/04/09/070409ta_talk_collins

    2) No hope in Guantánamo
    BY JOSHUA COLANGELO-BRYAN
    MIAMI HERALD
    Apr. 05, 2007
    http://www.miamiherald.com/851/v-print/story/64032.html

    3) WE'VE BEEN SURGING FOR YEARS
    By Don Monkerud
    TomPaine.com
    April 6, 2007
    http://www.tompaine.com/articles/2007/04/06/weve_been_surging_for_years.php

    4) Permanent drought predicted for Southwest
    "Study says global warming threatens to create a
    Dust Bowl-like period. Water politics could
    also get heated."
    By Alan Zarembo and Bettina Boxall
    Times Staff Writers
    April 6, 2007
    http://www.latimes.com/news/science/la-sci-swdrought6apr06,0,122112.story?coll=la-home-headlines

    5) Democrats at War
    WALL STREET JOURNAL
    EDITORIAL
    April 6, 2007; Page A10
    [Via Email from: Walter Lippmann
    walterlx@earthlink.net ...bw]

    6) Ford Pays Chief $28 Million for 4 Months’ Work
    By NICK BUNKLEY
    April 6, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/06/business/06ford.html?ref=businessspecial

    7) Comcast Chief Executive Receives $26 Million
    By GERALDINE FABRIKANT
    March 30, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/30/business/businessspecial/30comcast.pay.html?ex=1176091200&en=a355f91bce1d207c&ei=5070

    8) No Bonuses for Top G.M. Executives
    By NICK BUNKLEY
    March 29, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/29/business/businessspecial/29gmpay.html?ex=1176091200&en=b3bcb33a8bceaa23&ei=5070

    9) Cuban jet bombing suspect ordered free on bail in U.S.
    "Venezuela and Cuba want Luis Posada Carriles in a 1976 plane bombing
    that killed 73. But in this country, the former CIA operative
    is charged with lying to immigration officials."
    By Carol J. Williams
    Times Staff Writer
    April 7, 2007
    http://www.latimes.com/news/printedition/asection/la-na-posada7apr07,1,7020766.story?coll=la-news-a_section

    10) City asks court to quit Abu-Jamal case
    By MARYCLAIRE DALE, Associated Press Writer1
    April 6, 2007
    http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20070406/ap_on_re_us/mumia_abu_jamal

    11) Hot and Cold
    Editorial
    April 8,2006
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/opinion/08sun1.html?hp

    12) Doctor’s Index Predicts Fate for Migrants in the Desert
    "...more than 100 adult male
    immigrants had died of heatstroke annually in Pima
    County."
    By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
    April 8, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/us/08immig.html

    13) Trail of Tears
    By ELIZABETH ROYTE
    (RE: THE LONG EXILE
    A Tale of Inuit Betrayal and Survival in the High Arctic.
    By Melanie McGrath.
    268 pp. Alfred A. Knopf. $24.95.)
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/books/review/Royte.t.html?_r=1&adxnnl=1&oref=slogin&adxnnlx=1176050987-kCJ3ZpwQ2uOi7Yadi5MjcA

    14) Sociable Darwinism
    By NATALIE ANGIER
    April 8, 2007
    (RE:EVOLUTION FOR EVERYONE
    How Darwin’s Theory Can Change the
    Way We Think About Our Lives.
    By David Sloan Wilson.
    390 pp. Delacorte Press. $24.)
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/books/review/Angier.t.html?ref=review

    15) Sweet Little Lies
    By PAUL KRUGMAN
    Op-Ed Columnist
    April 9, 2007
    http://select.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/opinion/09krugman.html?hp

    16) 6-Year-Olds Under Arrest
    By BOB HERBERT
    Op-Ed Columnist
    Avon Park, Fla.
    April 9, 2007
    http://select.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/opinion/09herbert.html?hp

    17) Guantánamo Detainees Stage Hunger Strike
    By TIM GOLDEN
    April 9, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/us/09hunger.html

    18) Army Is Cracking Down on Deserters
    By PAUL von ZIELBAUER
    April 9, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/us/09awol.html?ref=us

    19) CLOSE CONTACT
    To Woo Afghan Locals,
    U.S. Troops Settle In
    Tactic Wins Friends,
    Isolates Insurgents,
    But Boosts Casualties
    By MICHAEL M. PHILLIPS
    April 9, 2007; Page A1
    WALL STREET JOURNAL
    [VIA Email from: Walter Lippmann
    walterlx@earthlink.net ...bw]

    20) Crop Prices Soar,
    Pushing Up Cost
    Of Food Globally
    New Demand for Biofuels
    Feeds Inflation Pressure;
    China, India Feel Pinch
    By PATRICK BARTA
    April 9, 2007; Page A1
    The Wall Street Journal
    [VIA Email from: Walter Lippmann
    walterlx@earthlink.net ...bw]

    21) Injured troops shipped back into battle
    "Salon has uncovered further evidence that the military sent soldiers
    with acute post-traumatic stress disorder, severe back injuries and
    other serious war wounds back to Iraq."
    By Mark Benjamin
    April 9, 2007
    http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2007/04/09/injured_soldiers/print.html

    22) Huge Protest in Iraq Demands U.S. Withdraw
    By EDWARD WONG
    April 10, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/world/middleeast/10iraq.html?ref=world

    23) High Stakes: Chávez Plays the Oil Card
    “Chávez poses a much bigger threat to America’s energy
    security than Saddam Hussein ever did.”
    By SIMON ROMERO and CLIFFORD KRAUSS
    April 10, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/business/worldbusiness/10showdown.html

    24) General Wants Increased Troops Into Fall
    By THE NEW YORK TIMES
    April 10, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/world/middleeast/10troops.html

    25) U.S. Raid on an Immigrant Household
    Deepens Anger and Mistrust
    By NINA BERNSTEIN
    April 10, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/nyregion/10suffolk.html?ref=nyregion

    26) In East Harlem School Closing, Talk of a Class Divide
    By DAVID GONZALEZ
    April 10, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/nyregion/10citywide.html?ref=nyregion

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    1) All That You Can Be
    Risk Management
    by Lauren Collins
    April 9, 2007
    http://www.newyorker.com/talk/2007/04/09/070409ta_talk_collins

    In the wake of a rise in substantiated instances
    of misconduct by its recruiters, the United States
    military, it was reported last month, is considering
    installing surveillance cameras in its recruiting
    stations. The military may also want to assess the
    tactics that its employees use in the virtual realm.
    This admissions season, an Army recruiter has been
    e-mailing recent college graduates with the offer
    of hundreds of thousands of dollars in scholarship
    money to pay for medical school, in exchange for
    four years of service. Nothing new there. What’s
    surprising is his assertion to students that they
    would be better off in Baghdad than in Georgetown.

    Susan Kahane, who is twenty-two, graduated from
    Columbia last spring. When she took the MCAT,
    in August, she checked a box to signal that she
    wished to receive information about outside sources
    of financial aid. Soon, she was inundated with
    e-mails from the Army, the Navy, and the Air Force
    (“FREE MEDICAL SCHOOL!!!”). One, sent on January 31st
    by Captain Christopher D. Mayhugh, of the Army
    Medical Service Corps, stood out. “Upon finishing
    your residency,” the message read, “you will be
    assigned to one of a variety of locations including
    Germany, Italy and Hawaii and your obligation will
    be complete.” (The Medical Service Corps’s Web page,
    in contrast, notes prominently that its officers
    have participated in combat operations in Korea,
    Kosovo, Somalia, Panama, and Iraq.)

    Mayhugh’s omission of Iraq, Kahane recalled last week,
    “seemed a little bit strange.” Still, she said,
    “These e-mails were often slightly tempting to me,
    because of my worries about paying for medical school.”

    On March 14th, Kahane received another e-mail from
    Mayhugh, with the subject “Medical school scholarships
    still available.” This time, rather than invoking
    European and tropical destinations, Mayhugh addressed
    the prospect of being posted to a less than desirable
    locale. “What if you get sent to Iraq?” he wrote
    in the letter’s final paragraph. He continued:

    Well, consider this: there has been an average of
    160,000 troops in the Iraq theater of operations during
    the last 22 months, and a total of 2112 deaths, that
    gives a firearm death rate of 60 per 100,000. The rate
    in Washington, D.C. is 80.6 per 100,000. That means
    that you are about 25% more likely to be shot and
    killed in our Nation’s Capitol, which has some
    of the strictest gun control laws in the nation,
    than you are in Iraq.

    Kahane recalled, “After reading it once, I felt
    strongly that something was wrong, but I didn’t
    know what.” She looked up the figures and did the
    math herself, and found that all the statistics
    in the e-mail were either outdated or incorrect,
    and that, even if they had been correct, Mayhugh
    seemed to be comparing a yearly figure for Washington
    with a monthly one for Iraq. (Going by Mayhugh’s
    numbers, there would be nearly fifteen gun murders
    in Washington every day. In reality, there were
    about three murders, of any kind, per week in 2006.
    In the same period, an average of sixteen American
    troops died each week in Iraq.) Kimberly Thompson,
    an associate professor of risk analysis and decision
    science at Harvard’s School of Public Health, agreed,
    last week, to evaluate Mayhugh’s claim and found the
    discrepancy even starker. In her estimate, the risk
    of being killed in Iraq is ten times higher than
    the risk of being killed in Washington, D.C. “The
    recruiter’s e-mail message is really amazingly
    misleading,” she said.

    It turns out, as Kahane learned with a subsequent
    Google search, that “D.C. is more dangerous than
    Iraq” is a well-worn canard. Representative Steve
    King, a Republican from Iowa, promulgated a variation,
    involving his wife’s safety, last year on the floor
    of the House, while Mayhugh’s paragraph was plucked,
    verbatim, from an e-mail that circulated in 2005.
    The realization that Mayhugh’s message derived—one
    could see, with nominal research—from a Web fallacy
    was dispiriting to Kahane. She had written a letter
    to Mayhugh, but didn’t send it. “I thought, I guess
    he knows the math isn’t right, so what’s the point
    of telling him?” she said.

    Reached last week at his office in Maryland, Mayhugh
    stood by the e-mail, saying, “Most people’s perception
    of Iraq is that ‘Oh, my God, people are being murdered
    over there by the thousands.’ I think if you look at
    any type of situation where you have several hundred
    thousand people on the ground and now you throw in the
    fact that what they’re doing is dangerous and they
    have very big heavy vehicles and firearms with live
    ammunition, the number of people being killed over
    there is pretty small.”

    He acknowledged that the paragraph had come from
    a forwarded e-mail, but said that, before pasting
    it into his pitch, he had done “some simple calculations”
    that supported its conclusions. “In what I’ve seen
    in dealing with the war and the misperceptions of it,”
    he said, “it seemed to me like those would be the right
    numbers.” He went on, “I work in D.C. on a daily basis,
    and I’m afraid to get out of my car in a lot of places.
    I hear about police officers being murdered every day
    in D.C. and Baltimore. And I’ve had thousands of friends
    and colleagues go to Iraq and come back safely.”

    Illustration: TOM BACHTELL

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    2) No hope in Guantánamo
    BY JOSHUA COLANGELO-BRYAN
    MIAMI HERALD
    Apr. 05, 2007
    http://www.miamiherald.com/851/v-print/story/64032.html

    On Monday, I was at Guantánamo Bay to meet with Jumah
    Al Dossari, one of the detainees my firm represents.
    As always, I spent the first few hours of our meeting
    trying to convince Jumah to fight the desperation
    and hopelessness that threaten what little spirit
    he has left.

    Jumah has been at Guantánamo for more than five
    years. The government has never charged him with
    a crime and does not accuse him of taking any action
    against the United States. For several years, Jumah
    has been held alone in solid-wall cells from which
    he cannot see other detainees or communicate except
    by yelling. He has spent 22 to 24 hours a day by
    himself in these cells. He has been short shackled,
    threatened with death and, once, severly beaten.
    Interrogators have told him that he will be at
    Guantánamo for the next 50 years and that there
    is no law at Guantánamo.

    Sometimes the idea of spending the rest of his
    life locked up thousands of miles from his family
    is too much for Jumah. On Oct. 15, 2005, I walked
    into an interview room to visit him. There was
    blood on the floor. I looked up and saw Jumah
    hanging by his neck from the other side of a metal
    mesh wall that divided his cell from our meeting
    area. He was bleeding from a gash in his arm.

    I couldn't reach Jumah because the door to the
    cell was locked. I yelled for guards who came,
    unlocked the door and cut the noose from Jumah's
    neck. I was ordered out of the room but later learned
    that Jumah had survived. Since that day, Jumah
    has tried to kill himself three times. Last spring
    he slashed his throat with a razor, spraying blood
    on the ceiling of his cell.

    During our meeting on Monday, we talked about Jumah's
    court case, a bleak—and therefore dangerous—subject.
    I explained again that the Bush administration insists
    it may detain anyone it designates an ''enemy combatant''
    forever without a trial. I explained how Congress blessed
    that notion in last year's Military Commissions Act,
    which bars foreign ''enemy combatants'' from going to
    court to challenge that designation. I explained that
    lawyers for the detainees had challenged the act as
    unconstitutional, but that in February a federal appeals
    had ruled against us on the grounds that people like
    Jumah have no rights.

    Desperately wanting to boost his spirits, I also told
    Jumah that there was reason to be optimistic. We had
    asked the Supreme Court to review the appeals court
    decision and we felt pretty sure that our request
    would be granted. Were that to happen, Jumah might
    be a step closer to a court hearing.

    At noon, I went to the galley—as the cafeteria at
    Guantánamo is called—to get lunch for Jumah and myself.
    While waiting for a burger, I glanced up at a television
    tuned to CNN. Text ran across the bottom of the screen:
    ``Supreme Court refuses to hear Guantánamo detainee
    appeals until alternative procedures are exhausted.''

    Our request—the one reason I had given Jumah to be
    optimistic—had been denied. The Supreme Court was
    saying it might consider the detainees' cases, but
    not until the detainees subjected themselves
    to proceedings created by the Military Commissions Act.

    It is a disturbing ruling because the government
    says the purpose of these proceedings is not to
    determine if a detainee is actually an ''enemy combatant''
    but rather to determine if the military followed its own
    rules in applying the ''enemy combatant'' label. For that
    reason, detainees will have no chance to produce evidence
    of their innocence that the military didn't consider
    or to challenge the use of evidence obtained through
    torture. Worse yet, these procedures will be held
    before the same appeals court that recently found
    the detainees have no rights at all.

    I walked slowly back to the room where Jumah sat
    shackled. I wondered if there was a good way to tell
    a suicidal man that all three branches of our government
    appear content to let him rot at Guantánamo. Nothing
    came to mind.

    Maybe I shouldn't have worried. Jumah's reaction
    to bad legal news has become as muted as his emotions
    generally. He long ago stopped believing that a court
    will ever hear his case and thinks I'm naive for hoping
    otherwise. Instead, Jumah believes that he has been
    condemned to live forever on an island where there
    is no law. He may well be right.

    Joshua Colangelo-Bryan, an attorney, represents
    several Guantánamo detainees.

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    3) WE'VE BEEN SURGING FOR YEARS
    By Don Monkerud
    TomPaine.com
    April 6, 2007
    http://www.tompaine.com/articles/2007/04/06/weve_been_surging_for_years.php

    The number of U.S. forces involved in Iraq are at least twice the number
    quoted in the media. The administration uses a number of deceptions,
    definitional illusions and euphemisms -- including counting only "combat
    forces" and "military personnel" -- to drastically undercount the invasion
    force.

    Even President Bush's January announcement of a "surge" of 21,500 U.S.
    troops, opposed by the Joint Chiefs of Staff, has now morphed into 30,000
    troops with an additional "headquarters staff" of 3,000 -- or more than 50
    percent more than the official number. The currently reported total U.S.
    military in Iraq is 145,000, forces which are required to occupy a country
    slightly more than twice the size of Idaho.

    The real number is almost impossible to find in government-released
    information, even with a great amount of interpretation. It’s hidden
    because few in the administration want to disclose the true extent of vast
    U.S. resources invested in personnel, material, and other costs.

    GlobalSecurity.org is a public policy organization that provides
    background information on defense and homeland security. They note that
    keeping track of American forces has become "significantly more difficult
    as the military seeks to improve operational security and to deceive
    potential enemies and the media as to the extent of American operations."

    According to John Pike, director of GlobalSecurity.org, there are a number
    of other reasons affecting the accurate counting of the number of military
    forces involved in Iraq. Large numbers of troops are activated with
    unspecified duties to unspecified areas; many small units from various
    locations are being mobilized from the Army and National Guard, which
    count units differently; and groups rotate in and out of Iraqi so quickly
    it's impossible for anyone but the Pentagon to calculate how many are
    there. The Pentagon tracks these numbers, but Pike says they aren't
    telling.

    "We only try to nail the numbers down when we think Americans are getting
    ready to blow someone up," Pike says. "The Pentagon knows the numbers and
    we have certainly not done anything to highball it. Certainly, if there's
    a chance to release or hold numbers, they are parsimonious."

    Additionally, private enterprise military "contractors" almost double the
    number of U.S. forces in Iraq. After four contractors were hung from a
    bridge in Fallujah in March 2004, the Bush administration stonewalled
    congressional efforts to force the Pentagon to release information about
    the number of contractors in Iraq. Finally, the Pentagon reported a total
    of 25,000.

    In "The Market for Force: The Consequences of Privatizing Security,"
    Deborah D. Avant, director for the Institute for Global and Internal
    Studies at George Washington University, reports that official numbers are
    difficult to find, but "This is the largest deployment of U.S. contractors
    in a military operation."

    In October, the military's first census of contractors totaled 100,000,
    not counting subcontractors. And in February 2007, the Associated Press
    reported 120,000 contractors (which would put Bush's "surge" closer to
    50,000). Contractors, which some call mercenaries, provide support
    services essential to maintaining the U.S. military presence in Iraq. Ten
    times the number of contractors employed during the Persian Gulf War,
    these contract mercenaries now cook meals, interrogate prisoners, fix flat
    tires, repair vehicles, and provide guard duty.

    Military personnel formerly filled these types of jobs until former
    Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld instituted his "Total Force" plan,
    which relies on a smaller U.S. military force with "its active and reserve
    military components, its civil servants, and its contractors." Senator
    Jim Webb of Virginia called this a "rent-an-army."

    What are the total of U.S. forces are in Iraq? The government reported
    145,000 U.S. military forces in Iraq, but John Pike estimates the current
    total at 150,000. Another 20,000 will arrive as part of the "surge," a
    last gasp public relations effort to save the operation from total
    failure.

    John Pike estimates another 30,000 are "in the theater" to provide
    "Operation Iraqi Freedom" support. The Army and Marines have another
    10,000 to 20,000 in Kuwait, and a nearby Air Force wing-bombing group has
    5,000. Current naval exercises in the Persian Gulf, which represents a
    show of force against Iran, include 10,000 U.S. personnel, the carrier
    groups Eisenhower and the Stennis, and 15 warships.

    Add the 120,000 contract mercenaries and the forces involved in the Iraqi
    operation and the total comes to 300,000 to 360,000, more than twice the
    "official" figure of 145,000 troops. This isn't counting the more than
    5,000 British combat troops and navy, down from a high of 40,000 during
    the initial invasion, or the ragtag remnants of the highly vaunted
    "Coalition of the Willing," which has dwindled since the beginning of the
    occupation to 27, mostly small, countries such as Armenia, Estonia,
    Moldavia, and Latvia.

    Manipulated figures and private military contractors provide the Bush
    Administration with political cover to escape public scrutiny and keep
    injuries, deaths, and secret operations out of the public eye. A more
    accurate and honest view of participation in the Iraqi occupation by the
    government could give Americans more reason to oppose the waste of lives
    and resources on this ill-conceived, poorly planned, and disastrous
    venture.

    --Don Monkerud is an California-based writer who follows cultural, social
    and political issues. He can be reached at monkerud@cruzio.com.


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    4) Permanent drought predicted for Southwest
    "Study says global warming threatens to create a
    Dust Bowl-like period. Water politics could
    also get heated."
    By Alan Zarembo and Bettina Boxall
    Times Staff Writers
    April 6, 2007
    http://www.latimes.com/news/science/la-sci-swdrought6apr06,0,122112.story?coll=la-home-headlines

    The driest periods of the last century ˜ the Dust
    Bowl of the 1930s and the droughts of the 1950s ˜
    may become the norm in the Southwest United
    States within decades because of global warming,
    according to a study released Thursday.

    The research suggests that the transformation may
    already be underway. Much of the region has been
    in a severe drought since 2000, which the study's
    analysis of computer climate models shows as the
    beginning of a long dry period.

    The study, published online in the journal
    Science, predicted a permanent drought by 2050
    throughout the Southwest ˜ one of the fastest-
    growing regions in the nation.

    The data tell "a story which is pretty darn scary
    and very strong," said Jonathan Overpeck, a
    climate researcher at the University of Arizona
    who was not involved in the study.

    Richard Seager, a research scientist at
    Lamont-Doherty Earth Observatory at Columbia
    University and the lead author of the study, said
    the changes would force an adjustment to the
    social and economic order from Colorado
    to California.

    "There are going to be some tough decisions on
    how to allocate water," he said. "Is it going to
    be the cities, or is it going to be agriculture?"

    Seager said the projections, based on 19 computer
    models, showed a surprising level of agreement.
    "There is only one model that does not have
    a drying trend," he said.

    Philip Mote, an atmospheric scientist at the
    University of Washington who was not involved in
    the study, added, "There is a convergence of the
    models that is very strong and very worrisome."

    The future effect of global warming is the
    subject of a United Nations report to be released
    today in Brussels, the second of four installments
    being unveiled this year.

    The first report from the Intergovernmental Panel
    on Climate Change was released in February. It
    declared that global warming had become a
    "runaway train" and that human activities were
    "very likely" to blame.

    The landmark report helped shift the long and
    rancorous political debate over climate change
    from whether man-made warming was real to what
    could be done about it.

    The mechanics and patterns of drought in the
    Southwest have been the focus of increased
    scrutiny in recent years.

    During the last period of significant, prolonged
    drought ˜ the Medieval Climate Optimum from about
    the years 900 to 1300 ˜ the region experienced
    dry periods that lasted as long as 20 years,
    scientists say.

    Drought research has largely focused on the
    workings of air currents that arise from
    variations in sea-surface temperature in the
    Pacific Ocean known as El Niño and La Niña.

    The most significant in terms of drought is La
    Niña. During La Niña years, precipitation belts
    shift north, parching the Southwest.

    The latest study investigated the possibility of
    a broader, global climatic mechanism that could
    cause drought. Specifically, they looked at the
    Hadley cell, one of the planet's most powerful
    atmospheric circulation patterns, driving weather
    in the tropics and subtropics.

    Within the cell, air rises at the equator, moves
    toward the poles and descends over the subtropics.

    Increasing levels of greenhouse gases, the
    researchers said, warms the atmosphere, which
    expands the poleward reach of the Hadley cell.
    Dry air, which suppresses precipitation, then
    descends over a wider expanse of the
    Mediterranean region, the Middle East
    and North America.

    All of those areas would be similarly affected,
    though the study examined only the effect on
    North America in a swath reaching from Kansas to
    California and south into Mexico.

    The researchers tested a "middle of the road"
    scenario of future carbon dioxide emissions to
    predict rainfall and evaporation. They assumed
    that emissions would rise until 2050 and then
    decline. The carbon dioxide concentration in the
    atmosphere would be 720 parts per million in
    2100, compared with about 380 parts per million
    today.

    The computer models, on average, found about a
    15% decline in surface moisture ˜ which is
    calculated by subtracting evaporation from
    precipitation ˜ from 2021 to 2040, as compared
    with the average from 1950 to 2000.

    A 15% drop led to the conditions that caused the
    Dust Bowl in the Great Plains and the northern
    Rockies during the 1930s.

    Even without the circulation changes, global
    warming intensifies existing patterns of vapor
    transport, causing dry areas to get drier and wet
    areas to get wetter. When it rains, it is likely
    to rain harder, but scientists said that was
    unlikely to make up for losses from a shifting
    climate.

    Kelly Redmond, deputy director of the Western
    Regional Climate Center in Reno, who was not
    involved in the study, said he thought the region
    would still have periodic wet years that were
    part of the natural climate variation.

    But, he added, "In the future we may see fewer
    such very wet years."

    Although the computer models show the drying has
    already started, they are not accurate enough to
    know whether the drought is the result of global
    warming or a natural variation.

    "It's really hard to tell," said Connie
    Woodhouse, a paleoclimatologist at the University
    of Arizona. "It may well be one of the first
    events we can attribute to global warming."

    The U.S. and southern Europe will be better
    prepared to deal with frequent drought than
    most African nations.

    For the U.S., the biggest problem would be water
    shortages. The seven Colorado River Basin states
    ˜ Colorado, Wyoming, Utah, Nevada, New Mexico,
    Arizona and California ˜ would battle each other
    for diminished river flows.

    Mexico, which has a share of the Colorado River
    under a 1944 treaty and has complained of U.S.
    diversions in the past, would join the struggle.

    Inevitably, water would be reallocated from
    agriculture, which uses most of the West's
    supply, to urban users, drying up farms.
    California would come under pressure to build
    desalination plants on the coast, despite
    environmental concerns.

    "This is a situation that is going to cause water
    wars," said Kevin Trenberth, a scientist at the
    National Center for Atmospheric Research
    in Boulder, Colo.

    "If there's not enough water to meet everybody's
    allocation, how do you divide it up?"

    Officials from seven states recently forged an
    agreement on the current drought, which has left
    the Colorado River's big reservoirs ˜ Lake Powell
    and Lake Mead ˜ about half-empty. Without some
    very wet years, federal water managers say,
    Lake Mead may never refill.

    In the next couple of years, water deliveries may
    have to be reduced to Arizona and Nevada, whose
    water rights are second to California.

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    5) Democrats at War
    WALL STREET JOURNAL
    EDITORIAL
    April 6, 2007; Page A10
    [Via Email from: Walter Lippmann
    walterlx@earthlink.net ...bw]

    Democrats took Congress last fall in part by opposing the war in Iraq,
    but it is becoming clear that they view their election as a mandate for
    something far more ambitious -- to wit, promoting and executing their own
    foreign policy, albeit without the detail of a Presidential election.

    Their intentions were made plain this week with two remarkable acts by their
    House and Senate leaders. Majority Leader Harry Reid endorsed Senator Russ
    Feingold's proposal to withdraw from Iraq immediately, cutting off funds
    entirely within a year. He promised a vote soon, as part of what the
    Washington Post reported would also be a Democratic offensive to close
    Guantanamo, reinstate legal rights for terror suspects, and improve
    relations with Cuba.

    Meanwhile, Speaker Nancy Pelosi made her now famous sojourn to Syria,
    donning a head scarf and advertising that she was conducting shuttle
    diplomacy between Jerusalem and Damascus. If there was any doubt that her
    trip was intended as far more than a routine Congressional "fact-finding"
    trip, House Foreign Affairs Chairman Tom Lantos put it to rest by declaring
    that, "We have an alternative Democratic foreign policy. I view my job as
    beginning with restoring overseas credibility and respect for the United
    States."

    Americans should understand how extraordinary this is. There have been
    previous battles over U.S. foreign policy and fierce domestic criticism.
    In the 1990s, these columns defended Bill Clinton against "the Republican
    drift toward isolationism and political opportunism" amid the Kosovo
    conflict. But rarely in U.S. history have Congressional leaders sought to
    conduct their own independent diplomacy, with the Speaker acting as a Prime
    Minister traveling with a Secretary of State in the person of Mr. Lantos.

    Yes, Congressional Republicans have visited Syria too. But Ms. Pelosi isn't
    some minority back-bencher. Without a Democrat in the White House, she and
    Mr. Reid are the national leaders of their party. Even Newt Gingrich, for
    all his grand domestic ambitions in 1995, took a muted stand on foreign
    policy, realizing that in the American system the executive has the bulk of
    national security power. He also understood he would do the country no
    favors by sending a mixed message to our enemies -- at the time, Slobodan
    Milosevic.

    What was Ms. Pelosi hoping to accomplish, other than embarrassing President
    Bush? "We were very pleased with reassurances we received from the president
    that he was ready to resume the peace process," she told reporters after
    meeting with dictator Bashar Assad. "We expressed our interest in using our
    good offices in promoting peace between Israel and Syria."

    She purported to convey a message from Israel's Ehud Olmert expressing
    similar interest in "the peace process," except that the Israeli Prime
    Minister felt obliged to issue a clarification noting that Ms. Pelosi had
    got the message wrong. Israel hadn't changed its policy, which is that it
    will negotiate only when Mr. Assad repudiates his support for terrorism and
    stops trying to dominate Lebanon. As a shuttle diplomat, Ms. Pelosi needs
    some practice.

    Mr. Lantos probably got closer to their real intentions when he told
    reporters that "This is only the beginning of our constructive dialogue
    with Syria, and we hope to build on it." The Pelosi cavalcade is intended
    to show that if only the Bush Administration would engage in "constructive
    dialogue," the Syrians, Israelis and everyone else could all get along.

    This is the same Syrian regime that has facilitated the movement of money
    and insurgents to kill Americans in Iraq; that has been implicated by a U.N.
    probe in the murder of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri; and that
    has snubbed any number of U.S. overtures since the fall of Saddam Hussein in
    2003. Perhaps if he works hard enough, Mr. Lantos can match the 22 visits to
    Damascus that Bill Clinton's Secretary of State Warren Christopher made in
    the 1990s trying to squeeze peace from that same stone.

    In fact, Ms. Pelosi and Mr. Lantos both voted for the Syria Accountability
    and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2003 that ordered Mr. Bush to
    choose from a menu of six sanctions to impose on Damascus. Mr. Bush chose
    the weakest two sanctions and dispatched a new Ambassador to Syria in a
    goodwill gesture in 2004. Only later, in the wake of the Hariri murder and
    clear intelligence of Syria's role in aiding Iraqi Baathists, did Mr. Bush
    conclude that Mr. Assad's real goal was to reassert control over Lebanon and
    bleed Americans in Iraq.

    With her trip, Ms. Pelosi has now reassured the Syrian strongman that
    Mr. Bush lacks the domestic support to impose any further pressure on his
    country. She has also made it less likely that Mr. Assad will cooperate with
    the Hariri probe, or assist the Iraqi government in defeating Baathist and
    al Qaeda terrorists.
    * * *

    Back in Washington, Harry Reid says his response to Mr. Bush's certain veto
    of his Iraq spending bill will be to escalate. He now supports cutting off
    funds and beginning an immediate withdrawal, even as General David
    Petraeus's surge in Baghdad unfolds and shows signs of promise. If Mr. Bush
    were as politically cynical as Democrats think, he'd let Mr. Reid's policy
    become law. Then Democrats would share responsibility for whatever mayhem
    happened next.

    So this is Democratic foreign policy: Assure our enemies that they can
    ignore a President who still has 21 months to serve; and wash their hands of
    Baghdad and of their own guilt for voting to let Mr. Bush go to war. No
    doubt Democrats think the President's low job approval, and public
    unhappiness with the war, gives them a kind of political immunity. But we
    wonder.

    Once we leave Iraq, America's enemies will still reside in the Mideast; and
    they will be stronger if we leave behind a failed government and bloodbath
    in Iraq. Mr. Bush's successor will have to contain the damage, and that
    person could even be a Democrat. But by reverting to their Vietnam message
    of retreat and by blaming Mr. Bush for all the world's ills, Democrats on
    Capitol Hill may once again convince voters that they can't be trusted with
    the White House in a dangerous world.

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    6) Ford Pays Chief $28 Million for 4 Months’ Work
    By NICK BUNKLEY
    April 6, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/06/business/06ford.html?ref=businessspecial

    The Ford Motor Company paid its new chief executive,
    Alan R. Mulally, $28.18 million in his first four months
    on the job, the automaker said in a regulatory filing
    yesterday.

    His compensation included an $18.5 million bonus that
    Ford, which reported a record $12.7 billion loss last
    year, disclosed in September when it hired him from
    Boeing.

    Figures in Ford’s annual proxy statement show that his
    pay was more than three times that of any other executive
    at the company. That includes the executive chairman,
    William Clay Ford Jr., who has kept a 2005 promise not
    to accept any new salary, bonus or stock awards until
    Ford consistently earns a profit.

    The second-highest pay, $8.67 million, was also for only
    a few months’ work; it went to James J. Padilla, who
    retired as president and chief operating officer in July.

    Three executives received bonuses for their roles
    in reducing manufacturing capacity, cutting costs
    and achieving other goals as part of Ford’s overhaul
    plan, known as the Way Forward. The awards were part
    of a retention program that the company recently
    abandoned.

    Mark Fields, president of the Americas division, earned
    $2.29 million of his $5.57 million in total compensation
    from that program. Lewis W. K. Booth, executive vice
    president for Europe, received a $1.7 million retention
    incentive, while Don R. Leclair, Ford’s chief financial
    officer, received $1.32 million.

    Ford said it spent $517,560 to give Mr. Fields use
    of a company jet in 2006, a perk he stopped using
    in January after it received considerable negative
    publicity. Ford now buys first-class commercial airfares
    to fly Mr. Fields from company offices in Dearborn, Mich.,
    to his family’s home in South Florida each weekend.

    Executive compensation at all three Detroit automakers
    has been closely scrutinized since they began revamping
    plans that will close dozens of factories and eliminate
    tens of thousands of jobs. They are trying to overcome
    multibillion-dollar losses and compete better with
    foreign-based rivals like Toyota and Honda.

    This year, as the automakers negotiate a new labor
    agreement with the United Automobile Workers union,
    workers are certain to resist demands for concessions
    if they consider executive salaries to be excessive.

    Union members have criticized the awarding of restricted
    stock option bonuses to top executives at General Motors
    — although G.M. paid no cash bonuses for the second
    consecutive year — and a proposal at Ford to pay bonuses
    to executives there. Ford later announced a program
    to pay modest bonuses of at least $300 to all employees.

    Mr. Mulally earned a base salary of $666,667, or $2 million
    annualized. He was granted a $7.5 million signing bonus
    and $11 million to make up for bonuses and stock options
    he forfeited by leaving Boeing. Ford valued the stock and
    option awards he received last year at $8.68 million.

    In his final year at Boeing, where he headed the commercial
    airplanes division, Mr. Mulally earned a total
    of $9.96 million.

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    7) Comcast Chief Executive Receives $26 Million
    By GERALDINE FABRIKANT
    March 30, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/30/business/businessspecial/30comcast.pay.html?ex=1176091200&en=a355f91bce1d207c&ei=5070

    The Comcast Corporation, the nation’s largest cable company,
    paid its chief executive, Brian L. Roberts, a total
    of $26 million last year, according to its proxy
    statement released today.

    That figure included a salary of $2.5 million, a bonus
    of $3 million and other payments including a cash
    bonus of $8.4 million.

    Mr. Roberts’s pay exceeded by just $2 million that
    of his father, Ralph J. Roberts, who is chairman
    of the executive and finance committees.

    The pay package for Ralph Roberts, who was a founder
    of the company but is no longer its chief executive
    or chairman, has annoyed some investors over the years.
    Mr. Roberts, who is 87, earned a total of $24.1 million
    last year, a figure that included a salary of $1.8 million,
    an option award of $3.7 million and another payment
    of $10.3 million, which included $4.1 million related
    to life insurance premiums.

    David L. Cohen, the company’s executive vice president,
    defended the compensation structure. "Our compensation
    plan is carefully designed to align executive
    compensation with the company’s annual and long-term
    performance goals and with shareholder interests,”
    he wrote in an e-mail message.

    Comcast’s stock did better last year than it had done
    previously, rising from $17.48 a share at the beginning
    of the year to $28.22 a share at the end of the year.

    In 2005, Glass Lewis & Company, a research firm that
    advises institutional shareholders on governance issues,
    argued that Brian Roberts, his father and three top managers
    were grossly overpaid. At the time several investors said
    privately that they were particularly annoyed that Ralph
    Roberts continued to receive a lucrative pay package when
    he was no longer chairman. In 2005, Comcast stock declined
    21 percent. The company said that a portion of Ralph Roberts’
    pay was determined by arrangements made when he was the
    chief executive.

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    8) No Bonuses for Top G.M. Executives
    By NICK BUNKLEY
    March 29, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/29/business/businessspecial/29gmpay.html?ex=1176091200&en=b3bcb33a8bceaa23&ei=5070

    DETROIT, March 28 — General Motors, which significantly
    improved its financial performance in 2006 yet did not
    earn a profit, said on Wednesday that for a second
    consecutive year, it would not pay cash bonuses
    to top executives.

    Such bonuses would undoubtedly have rankled members
    of the United Automobile Workers union ahead of this
    summer’s contract talks, although a G.M. spokeswoman,
    Renee Rashid-Merem, declined to say whether the pending
    negotiations were a factor.

    “It’s a decision that’s made on an annual basis,”
    Ms. Rashid-Merem said. She added that the decision
    affected about 20 managers, including the chief
    executive, Rick Wagoner, and the vice chairman,
    Robert A. Lutz.

    Full details on executives’ compensation will be
    released next month when the company files its annual
    proxy statement.

    Last week, some U.A.W. members expressed anger
    after G.M. disclosed in regulatory filings that
    Mr. Wagoner and other top executives would receive
    bonuses in the form of restricted stock options.
    G.M. had not awarded stock options since 2003.

    The union, which concluded a two-day collective
    bargaining convention Wednesday in Detroit, also
    grew irritated recently when executives at the
    Ford Motor Company said they were considering
    management bonuses. Instead, Ford said it would
    give bonuses of at least $300 to all employees.

    Union members say the leaders of Detroit’s automakers
    should not receive incentives at a time that they
    are eliminating tens of thousands of jobs and
    cutting benefits for hourly workers and retirees.
    Ford lost $12.7 billion last year, while G.M.
    posted a $2 billion loss.

    G.M.’s decision to forgo cash bonuses this year,
    as it did in 2006 after the company lost $10.4 billion,
    was first reported Wednesday afternoon
    by Bloomberg News.

    During this week’s bargaining convention, the U.A.W.’s
    president, Ron Gettelfinger, repeatedly criticized
    executives at the Delphi Corporation, the auto supplier
    that declared bankruptcy in 2005, for collecting
    bonuses while trying to cut hourly workers’ pay
    and benefits. Delphi says the $37 million in incentive
    pay recently approved by a bankruptcy judge is necessary
    to keep top executives from leaving.

    Mr. Gettelfinger did not specifically disparage executives
    at the automakers, but he made clear that the union intended
    to vigorously fight any demands made during the contract
    talks that workers agree to concessions.

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    9) Cuban jet bombing suspect ordered free on bail in U.S.
    "Venezuela and Cuba want Luis Posada Carriles in a 1976 plane bombing
    that killed 73. But in this country, the former CIA operative
    is charged with lying to immigration officials."
    By Carol J. Williams
    Times Staff Writer
    April 7, 2007
    http://www.latimes.com/news/printedition/asection/la-na-posada7apr07,1,7020766.story?coll=la-news-a_section

    MIAMI — A federal judge Friday ordered Cuban militant Luis Posada
    Carriles freed from a New Mexico jail, ruling he be allowed to live
    under electronic surveillance with his family in Miami while awaiting
    trial May 11 on charges of lying to immigration authorities.

    The move to free the 79-year-old, who is suspected of blowing up a
    Cuban airliner in 1976 and bombing Havana hotels in the late 1990s,
    sparked outrage in Cuba. The Communist Party newspaper Granma posted
    the news on its website under a headline that read: "Blackmail Gets
    Results."

    Posada has never been charged in U.S. courts in connection with those
    terrorist acts, his critics contend, because he likely threatened to
    disclose other violence committed during his decades of covert work
    with the CIA.

    A Bay of Pigs veteran who once served time in Panama for plotting to
    kill Cuban leader Fidel Castro, Posada has become a political
    conundrum for the Bush administration. The president and his
    Republican allies have benefited from the support of influential
    Cuban exiles in Miami, many of whom view Posada as a patriotic
    freedom fighter.

    Posada entered the United States illegally in March 2005, about eight
    months after he and three other Florida-based Cuban militants were
    pardoned on illegal weapons and conspiracy charges by outgoing
    Panamanian President Mireya Moscoso.

    The move came four years into Posada's eight-year sentence, and was
    seen as a favor to Bush, whose reelection in November 2004 was riding
    on the continued backing of Miami Cubans.

    The other three men, all U.S. citizens, arrived here to a hero's
    welcome while Posada — Cuban-born and Venezuela-naturalized — made
    his way home clandestinely. Posada held a Miami news conference,
    fueling foreign outcry that the U.S. government was providing refuge
    for a terrorist. He was arrested in May 2005. Cuba and Venezuela want
    Posada extradited to stand trial for the Cubana de Aviacion bombing
    that killed all 73 on board the Caracas to Havana flight.

    Posada escaped from prison in Venezuela in 1985 while he awaited a
    third trial in the jetliner bombing off Barbados. He was acquitted
    twice.

    After his 2005 arrest, Posada first was held in an immigration lockup
    in El Paso — where he told officials he had made his way to the
    United States with the help of a smuggler via Mexico and Texas.

    Cuban media, however, reported that Posada actually was picked up
    from Mexico's Yucatan peninsula by a shrimp boat owned by Cuban
    American developer Santiago Alvarez and brought to a Gulf Coast
    marina. Alvarez is in jail following a guilty plea on weapons
    violations charges.

    The El Paso immigration court ordered Posada deported in September
    2005, but U.S. authorities were unable to persuade any of the seven
    allied countries contacted to accept him. A federal judge ruled that
    he couldn't be extradited to Cuba or Venezuela because of the
    possibility he would be tortured or abused in the custody of those
    governments.

    Last fall, Posada's Miami lawyer, Eduardo Soto, filed a writ of
    habeas corpus seeking his release. Another Texas judge ordered the
    federal government to charge Posada with a crime by Feb. 1 or release
    him.

    Then a federal grand jury in January indicted Posada on immigration
    violations and transferred him to a prison in Otero County, N.M. —
    voiding the deadline by placing him in custody pending a criminal
    proceeding.

    On Friday, shortly before the court closed for Easter weekend, U.S.
    District Judge Kathleen Cardone in El Paso ordered Posada released.
    She did not address a government request to keep him jailed pending
    an appeal.

    Posada's El Paso attorney, Felipe D.J. Millan, could not be reached
    for comment. But he told the Associated Press it was unlikely Posada
    would be released over the holiday weekend.

    "He deserves to go home and live in peace and enjoy his family,"
    Millan said. "Obviously we'll do whatever we need to do to post bond.
    We'll try to get him [out] as soon as possible."

    Cardone's nine-page ruling required Posada to post a $250,000 bond,
    and mandated that his wife and two adult children put up $100,000
    bond to ensure their compliance with other conditions of his release,
    including 24-hour home confinement and wearing an electronic
    monitoring device.

    carol.williams@latimes.com

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    10) City asks court to quit Abu-Jamal case
    By MARYCLAIRE DALE, Associated Press Writer1
    April 6, 2007
    http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20070406/ap_on_re_us/mumia_abu_jamal

    Prosecutors want the entire 3rd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals to recuse
    itself from the latest appeal for death-row inmate Mumia Abu-Jamal because
    Gov. Ed Rendell ˜ whose wife serves on the court ˜ was district attorney
    during his trial.

    Abu-Jamal, a former radio reporter and Black Panther, was convicted in
    1982 of killing a police officer. In his latest appeal, his attorneys say
    prosecutors practiced racial discrimination during jury selection; an
    allegation prosecutors deny.

    "Since Mr. Rendell was the elected district attorney at the time in
    question, and so would have been responsible for the supposed 'routine'
    racially discriminatory practices of Philadelphia prosecutors, Abu-Jamal's
    accusations necessarily implicate Mr. Rendell personally," Assistant
    District Attorney Hugh J. Burns Jr. wrote in a motion last week.

    A federal judge in 2001 overturned Abu-Jamal's death sentence but upheld
    his conviction. Both sides appealed that ruling to the 3rd Circuit, whose
    members include the governor's wife, Marjorie O. Rendell.

    Prosecutors could simply ask for Judge Rendell to recuse herself but they
    want to avoid any possible grounds for a future appeal.

    Abu-Jamal was convicted in the Dec. 9, 1981, shooting death officer Daniel
    Faulkner after the officer pulled over Abu-Jamal's brother. He remains on
    death row during the appeals.

    His writings and taped speeches on the justice system have made Abu-Jamal
    a popular figure among activists who believe he was the victim of a racist
    justice system. Abu-Jamal is black; Faulkner was white.

    Abu-Jamal's lawyer, Robert R. Bryan of San Francisco, opposes Byrne's
    motion, according to court records. He did not return telephone messages
    seeking comment.

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    11) Hot and Cold
    Editorial
    April 8,2006
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/opinion/08sun1.html?hp

    Last week began with a Supreme Court decision declaring
    that the federal government had the authority to regulate
    greenhouse gas emissions and all but ordering the Bush
    administration to do so. It ended with a report from
    the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change — the
    world’s authoritative voice on global warming — warning
    that failure to contain these emissions will have
    disastrous environmental effects, especially in poorer
    countries, which are least able to defend themselves
    and their people against the consequences of climate
    change.

    One would hope that these events would shake President
    Bush out of his state of denial and add his authority
    to the chorus of governors, legislators and business
    leaders calling for an aggressive regulatory and
    technological response to the dangers of global warming.
    They haven’t. When asked about the Supreme Court decision,
    the president said he thought he was already doing enough.

    He argued further that there was little point in the
    United States’ doing any more unless other polluters
    like China acted as well. That ignores the reality
    that no developing country is going to move unless
    the United States — which produces one-fourth
    of the world’s emissions with only 5 percent
    of its population — takes the lead.

    The report from the intergovernmental panel was
    the second of three due this year. The first
    concluded with “90 percent certainty” that humans
    had caused the rise in atmospheric temperatures
    over the last half-century. The most recent
    focused on the consequences, few of them positive.

    The northern latitudes will have longer growing
    seasons. But elsewhere climate change will lead
    to more severe storms, the flooding of tropical
    islands and coastlines inhabited by hundreds of
    millions of people, the likely extinction of at
    least one-fourth of the world’s species and,
    in poorer countries in Asia and Africa, drought
    and hunger.

    Some of these changes have begun. “We’re no longer
    arm-waving with models,” said Martin Parry, the
    co-chairman of the team that wrote the report.
    But the report also makes clear that while
    emissions already accumulated in the atmosphere
    make some damage inevitable, the worst can be
    avoided if the world’s nations take swift action
    to stabilize and then reverse emissions.

    What must be avoided, the report said, is a rise
    of 3 to 5 degrees Fahrenheit, the point at which
    truly devastating effects will begin to kick in.
    But such a rise is almost inevitable over the
    next century if the world continues to do
    business as usual.

    The panel’s next paper will discuss alternatives
    to business as usual. These policies will almost
    certainly require a major shift in the way energy
    is produced and used, as well as massive investments
    in new technologies. They will also be expensive.
    But what the world’s scientists are telling us,
    with increasing confidence, is that the costs
    of doing nothing will be far greater than the
    costs of acting now.

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    12) Doctor’s Index Predicts Fate for Migrants in the Desert
    "...more than 100 adult male
    immigrants had died of heatstroke annually in Pima
    County."
    By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
    April 8, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/us/08immig.html

    TUCSON, April 7 (AP) — An emergency room physician
    has devised a scientific index to predict the likelihood
    that illegal immigrants will die while walking through
    the Arizona desert in extreme heat conditions.

    The physician, Dr. Samuel Keim, concluded that the
    probability of death reached 50 percent when the
    temperature climbed to 104 degrees.

    “It’s like a weather forecast,” said the Rev. Robin
    Hoover, whose Humane Borders group maintains water
    stations at desert sites in southern Arizona and
    northern Mexico. “If he can forecast it to the
    U.S. Border Patrol, more of their agents can be
    scattered out looking for people in trouble.”

    Dr. Keim said he hoped to begin issuing daily
    forecasts by May, but he had not determined how
    to disseminate the information and with whom
    to share it.

    “We’re still negotiating that with various different
    entities,” he said, declining to give specifics
    because of worries that the intense political
    debate surrounding illegal immigration could
    scare off participants.

    Deaths of migrants on the Arizona-Mexico border
    have soared in recent years as tighter border
    security sends people to more-remote desert
    areas. Some migrants cross 50 or more miles
    of desert.

    In July 2005, Border Patrol agents recovered
    72 dead illegal immigrants in the agency’s
    Tucson sector. Nearly all died from heat
    exposure.

    Ron Bellavia, commander of the Border Patrol’s
    rescue operations in the Tucson area, said
    an index like Dr. Keim’s “would be an appropriate
    measure to probably reduce exposure or
    environmental injuries.”

    The forecasts could also be shared with groups
    near Mexican migrant-staging areas, where the
    warnings could be posted, Mr. Hoover said.

    For years, the Border Patrol and the Mexican
    government have issued announcements about the
    desert’s heat-related perils, but Dr. Keim said
    he did not know whether migrants read or heeded
    them.

    Dr. Keim matched heatstroke victims with dates
    of death and desert temperatures using data
    collected from 2002 to 2006 in Pima County.

    Dr. Keim, an associate professor at the University
    of Arizona and an emergency room physician in Tucson,
    said that in recent years more than 100 adult male
    immigrants had died of heatstroke annually in Pima
    County.

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    13) Trail of Tears
    By ELIZABETH ROYTE
    (RE: THE LONG EXILE
    A Tale of Inuit Betrayal and Survival in the High Arctic.
    By Melanie McGrath.
    268 pp. Alfred A. Knopf. $24.95.)
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/books/review/Royte.t.html?_r=1&adxnnl=1&oref=slogin&adxnnlx=1176050987-kCJ3ZpwQ2uOi7Yadi5MjcA

    Throughout human history, seemingly simple turns of events
    have changed the fates of individuals and nations. In 1906,
    Thomas Watt Coslett invented a way to keep iron corset
    stays from rusting, and the bottom fell out of the
    whale-bone market. The whalers who remained on the
    eastern shore of Hudson Bay switched to trading for
    the creamy pelts of the Arctic fox, which local Inuit,
    on the Ungava Peninsula, began to trap in ever greater
    numbers. But when prices for skins fell in 1950, at
    a time when fox populations had also crashed, trappers —
    formerly subsistence hunters — moved to trading posts
    and begged rations from the Canadian police.

    Meanwhile the cold war raged, and the Canadian
    government became increasingly concerned about
    its sovereignty in the east Arctic archipelago.
    The United States and Canada jointly ran a weather
    station on Ellesmere Island, but Canadian officials
    wanted permanent residents there. The remedy to both
    the geopolitical and welfare problems was simple:
    uproot the Ungava Inuit and plant them 1,200 miles
    north, on Ellesmere. In “The Long Exile,” Melanie
    McGrath tells the story of this forced relocation —
    a tale of almost unrelenting horror — with so much
    moral vigor and descriptive verve that one quits
    reading only long enough to shake one’s head in
    disbelief. And then, with a shiver, reads on.

    To succeed on Hudson Bay, the Inuit needed to know
    everything about their immediate surroundings: the
    landmarks, the animals’ travel and migration routes,
    the location of fresh-water springs, berries, bird
    eggs and willow-worm cocoons to dip into seal fat
    for dinner. Describing the land’s natural features
    with lyrical precision, McGrath emphasizes that
    the harsh physical realities of this place shaped
    not only how the Inuit lived but also their
    personalities, making a strong case that psychology
    is destiny. At one time, expressing rage, lust or
    ambition were considered so threatening to Inuit
    group survival that persistent offenders were
    banished. But while serenity and self-restraint
    were adaptive in the Inuit’s ancestral environment,
    their unwillingness to speak out, on Ellesmere,
    would almost kill them.

    It was the late summer of 1953 when the Canadian
    government deposited three reluctant Inuit families,
    including a master carver named Paddy Aqiatusuk,
    on a narrow Ellesmere beach. They had been promised
    abundant game and a return ticket in one year’s
    time if they were unhappy. They were, in fact,
    instantly miserable.

    At 81 degrees north latitude, Ellesmere is, McGrath
    notes, the harshest terrain that humans have ever
    continuously inhabited. A high arctic desert, its
    interior is “an impenetrable mass of frozen crags
    and deep fjords.” The Inuit soon learned that marine
    mammals were scarce, as were caribou, fox and fresh
    water. Their clothing wasn’t warm enough, and their
    sleds and harnesses were all wrong for the rocky
    terrain. The rough waters made hunting by kayak
    impossible, and the dry wind made their dogs’ lungs
    bleed. Sufficient snow for snow houses arrived late,
    leaving the settlers in flimsy canvas tents until
    late winter. There wasn’t enough fuel for fires.
    The air was almost 30 degrees colder than back home,
    and the near constant wind made it feel more than
    50 degrees worse. Four months of darkness “made
    hunting an almost daily terror,” McGrath writes.
    Ellesmere supported a small musk ox population,
    but the police detachment, 40 miles from the Inuit
    encampment, forbade killing them. The starving
    Inuit ate bird feathers, made broth from boot
    liners. “The children leaked diarrhea then vomit
    which the women in the camp fed to the dogs rather
    than have it go to waste.”

    Too reticent to complain, even when to save her
    family from starvation, Aqiatusuk’s 6-year-old
    granddaughter was forced onto the ice to hunt in
    total darkness, the Inuit persevered. When they
    finally screwed up their courage and asked to go
    home, the police refused. It was logistically
    complicated: the Inuit must cope. Government careers
    were on the line: the colony had to succeed. Its
    inhabitants were the equivalent of national flags
    fluttering in the wind.

    McGrath, wickedly talented, brings every bit of
    this to life (helped by her Inuit subjects’
    preternatural memory for details). We hear the
    gnash of the ice (“a terrible, raw, geologic sound”),
    feel the pangs of hunger and thirst. We feel, too,
    the Inuit’s aching sense of abandonment and betrayal,
    their utter disorientation in a land where they knew
    nothing of the animal routes, the sea’s eddies and
    currents or the habits of wind and ice. Such details
    are not a matter of comfort, they are a matter
    of survival. McGrath is a meticulous researcher
    — she took the trouble to learn the names and
    colors of lichens that grow on rocks beneath
    bird colonies and fox lookouts — and she writes
    as if she’d lived in the Arctic for years. The
    book moves quickly, to a drumbeat of doom. As
    the Inuit approach their new home, “the frail
    summer had already begun to sicken and the sky
    pressed down on the land like a dead hand.”

    McGrath, who has written three previous books,
    is smart to focus on Aqiatusuk and his extended
    family. They humanize her tale, which includes
    a history of exploration in the eastern Canadian
    Arctic and of the relentless exploitation of Inuits
    by whites. Aqiatusuk was the adoptive father of
    a boy named Josephie, whose real father was the
    American Robert Flaherty, the director of “Nanook
    of the North.” Filmed on the Ungava Peninsula
    in the 1920s, the so-called documentary idealized
    the Inuit as innocents in an unblemished land.
    The movie colored the Western view of Inuit life
    in the Arctic for generations as it traveled the
    globe winning prizes, immortalizing a world that
    never existed. Actually, the Inuit way of life
    was already tainted by white fur traders by the
    time Flaherty arrived (he himself was financially
    backed by a trader), and the film’s starring family
    was entirely contrived, just like the settlement
    on Ellesmere, a place with no history or purpose
    beyond politics. According to McGrath, Flaherty
    made Nanook out of admiration for the Inuit’s “raw
    unquestioning confidence,” qualities shattered by
    the move to Ellesmere. As an adult, Josephie Flaherty,
    whose mother starred in “Nanook” (and cohabited
    with Flaherty), would follow Aqiatusuk to Ellesmere
    and die there, a broken man. But his daughter Martha,
    the child hunter and granddaughter of Robert Flaherty,
    eventually escaped and later forced the Canadian
    government to reckon with its crimes.

    As the years wore on, the Inuit gradually learned
    how to survive on Ellesmere. They constructed huts
    from scrap wood, revamped their sleds and dog harnesses.
    They learned the beluga’s migration route and would
    eventually hunt over a range of 6,864 square miles
    each year. In 1962, the government sent a teacher
    to the island, but only two school books: one on
    how to run a bank, the other called “The Roads
    of Texas.”

    Forty years after the first families left Ungava
    for Ellesmere, the Canadian government held hearings
    to investigate the relocation program. At its conclusion,
    the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples called
    the relocation “one of the worst human rights violations
    in the history of Canada.” The country was shocked
    by the abuse and arrogance of its leaders, who
    eventually made financial reparations of 10 million
    Canadian dollars to the survivors and their families.
    But the government has yet to apologize.

    Elizabeth Royte, whose “Garbage Land: On the Secret
    Trail of Trash,” has recently been published
    in paperback, is a frequent contributor to the Book Review.

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    14) Sociable Darwinism
    By NATALIE ANGIER
    April 8, 2007
    (RE:EVOLUTION FOR EVERYONE
    How Darwin’s Theory Can Change the
    Way We Think About Our Lives.
    By David Sloan Wilson.

    390 pp. Delacorte Press. $24.
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/books/review/Angier.t.html?ref=review

    Just as in the classic clashes of nature, where every
    mutational upgrade in a carnivore’s strength or cunning
    is soon countered by a speedier or more paranoid model
    of antelope, so the pitched struggle between evolutionary
    theory and its deniers has yielded a bristling diversity
    of ploys and counterploys. The heavyhanded biblical
    literalism of creationist science evolves into the
    feints and curlicues of intelligent design, and the
    casual dismissiveness with which scientists long
    regarded the anti-evolutionists gives way to a belated
    awareness that, gee, the public doesn’t seem to realize
    how fatuous the other side is, and maybe it’s time
    to combat the creationist phylum head on. And so,
    over the last few years, scientists have unleashed
    a blitzkrieg of books in defense of Darwinism,
    summarizing the Everest of supportive evidence
    for evolutionary theory, filleting the arguments
    of the naysayers or reciting, yet again, the story
    of Charles Darwin, depressive naturalist extraordinaire,
    whose increasingly pervasive avuncular profile has
    lofted him to logo status on par with Einstein and
    the Nike swoosh.

    David Sloan Wilson, an evolutionary biologist at
    Binghamton University, takes a different and decidedly
    refreshing approach. Rather than catalog its successes,
    denounce its detractors or in any way present
    evolutionary theory as the province of expert tacticians
    like himself, Wilson invites readers inside and shows
    them how Darwinism is done, and at lesson’s end urges
    us to go ahead, feel free to try it at home. The result
    is a sprightly, absorbing and charmingly earnest book
    that manages a minor miracle, the near-complete
    emulsifying of science and the “real world,” ingredients
    too often kept stubbornly, senselessly apart. Only when
    Wilson seeks to add religion to the mix, and to show
    what natural, happy symbionts evolutionary biology
    and religious faith can be, does he begin to sound
    like a corporate motivational speaker or a political
    candidate glad-handing the crowd.

    In Wilson’s view, Darwin’s theory of evolution by
    natural selection has the beauty of being both
    simple and profound. Unlike quantum mechanics or
    the general theory of relativity, the basic concepts
    behind evolutionary theory are easy to grasp; and
    once grasped, he argues, they can be broadly applied
    to better understand ourselves and the world — the
    world both as it is and as it might be, with the
    right bit of well-informed coaxing. Wilson has long
    been interested in the evolution of cooperative and
    altruistic behavior, and much of the book is devoted
    to the premise that “goodness can evolve, at least
    when the appropriate conditions are met.” As he sees
    it, all of life is characterized by a “cosmic” struggle
    between good and evil, the high-strung terms we apply
    to behaviors that are either cooperative or selfish,
    civic or anomic. The constant give-and-take between
    me versus we extends down to the tiniest and most
    primal elements of life. Short biochemical sequences
    may want to replicate themselves ad infinitum, their
    neighboring sequences be damned; yet genes get together
    under the aegis of cells and reproduce in orderly
    fashion as genomes, as collectives of sequences,
    setting aside some of their immediate selfish urges
    for the sake of long-term genomic survival. Cells
    further collude as organs, and organs pool their
    talents and become bodies. The conflict between being
    well behaved, being good, not gulping down more than
    your share, and being selfish enough to get your fair
    share, “is eternal and encompasses virtually all species
    on earth,” he writes, and it likely occurs on any other
    planet that supports life, too, “because it is predicted
    at such a fundamental level by evolutionary theory.”
    How do higher patterns of cooperative behavior emerge
    from aggregates of small, selfish units? With carrots,
    sticks and ceaseless surveillance. In the human body,
    for example, nascent tumor cells arise on a shockingly
    regular basis, each determined to replicate without
    bound; again and again, immune cells attack the
    malignancies, destroying the outlaw cells and themselves
    in the process. The larger body survives to breed, and
    hence spawn a legacy far sturdier than any tumor mass
    could manage.

    As with our bodies, so with our behaviors. Wilson
    explores the many fascinating ways in which humans
    are the consummate group-thinking, team-playing animal.
    The way we point things out to one another, for example,
    is unique among primates. “Apes raised with people
    learn to point for things that they want but never
    point to call the attention of their human caretakers
    to objects of mutual interest,” Wilson writes, “something
    that human infants start doing around their first birthday.”
    The eyes of other apes are dark across their entire span
    and thus are hard to follow, but the contrast between
    the white sclera and colored iris of the human eye makes
    it difficult for people to conceal the direction in which
    they are looking. In the interdependent, egalitarian
    context of the tribe, the ancestral human setting,
    Wilson says, “it becomes advantageous for members
    of the team to share information, turning the eyes
    into organs of communication in addition to organs
    of vision.” Humans are equipped with all the
    dispositional tools needed to establish and maintain
    order in the commons. Studies have revealed a deep
    capacity for empathy, a willingness to trust others
    and become instant best friends; and an equally
    strong urge to punish cheaters, to exact revenge
    against those who buck group rules for private gain.

    Of course, even as humans bond together in groups
    and behave with impressive civility toward their
    neighbors, they are capable of treating those outside
    the group with ruthless savagery. Wilson is not naïve,
    and he recognizes the ease with which humans fall into
    an us-versus-them mind-set. Yet he is a self-described
    optimist, and he believes that the golden circles
    of we-ness, the conditions that encourage entities
    at every stratum of life to stop competing and instead
    pool their labors into a communally acting mega-entity,
    can be expanded outward like ripples on a pond until
    they encompass all of us — that the entire human race
    can evolve the culturally primed if not genetically
    settled incentive to see our futures for what they are,
    inexorably linked on the lone blue planet we share.

    Toward the end of the book he offers a series of
    evolutionarily informed suggestions on how we might
    help widen the geometry of good will, beginning with
    the italicized, boldface pronouncement that “we are
    not fated by our genes to engage in violent conflict.”
    Our bloody past does not foretell an inevitably bloody
    future, and violent behaviors that make grim sense
    in one context can become maladaptive in another.
    “The Vikings of Iceland were among the fiercest people
    on earth, and now they are the most peaceful,” he
    observes. “In principle, it is possible to completely
    eliminate violent conflict by eliminating its preferred
    ‘habitat.’ ” For their universal appeal and basal power
    to harmonize a crowd, he recommends more music and
    dancing and asks, “Could we establish world peace if
    everyone at the United Nations showed up in leotards?”
    He also believes that the world’s religions should
    be tapped for their “wisdom.” This is a fine idea
    in the abstract, but given current events and the
    fissuring of the world along so many theo-sectarian
    lines, I wish we could forgo the sermon and just
    strike up the band.

    Natalie Angier is a science columnist for The Times.
    Her latest book, “The Canon: A Whirligig Tour Through
    the Beautiful Basics of Science,” will be published in May.

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    15) Sweet Little Lies
    By PAUL KRUGMAN
    Op-Ed Columnist
    April 9, 2007
    http://select.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/opinion/09krugman.html?hp

    Four years into a war fought to eliminate a nonexistent
    threat, we all have renewed appreciation for the power
    of the Big Lie: people tend to believe false official
    claims about big issues, because they can’t picture their
    leaders being dishonest about such things.

    But there’s another political lesson I don’t think has
    sunk in: the power of the Little Lie — the small accusation
    invented out of thin air, followed by another, and another,
    and another. Little Lies aren’t meant to have staying power.
    Instead, they create a sort of background hum, a sense that
    the person facing all these accusations must have done
    something wrong.

    For a long time, basically from 9/11 until the last remnants
    of President Bush’s credibility drowned in New Orleans,
    the Bush administration was able to go big on its deceptions.
    Most people found it inconceivable that an American president
    would, for example, assert without evidence that Saddam and
    Al Qaeda were allies. Mr. Bush won the 2004 election because
    a quorum of voters still couldn’t believe he would grossly
    mislead them on matters of national security.

    Before 9/11, however, the right-wing noise machine mainly
    relied on little lies. And now it has returned to its roots.

    The Clinton years were a parade of fake scandals: Whitewater,
    Troopergate, Travelgate, Filegate, Christmas-card-gate.
    At the end, there were false claims that Clinton staff
    members trashed the White House on their way out.

    Each pseudoscandal got headlines, air time and finger-wagging
    from the talking heads. The eventual discovery in each
    case that there was no there there, if reported at all,
    received far less attention. The effect was to make
    an administration that was, in fact, pretty honest and
    well run — especially compared with its successor —
    seem mired in scandal.

    Even in the post-9/11 environment, little lies never
    went away. In particular, promoting little lies seems
    to have been one of the main things U.S. attorneys,
    as loyal Bushies, were expected to do. For example,
    David Iglesias, the U.S. Attorney in New Mexico,
    appears to have been fired because he wouldn’t bring
    unwarranted charges of voter fraud.

    There’s a lot of talk now about a case in Wisconsin,
    where the Bush-appointed U.S. attorney prosecuted the
    state’s purchasing supervisor over charges that a court
    recently dismissed after just 26 minutes of oral
    testimony, with one judge calling the evidence “beyond
    thin.” But by then the accusations had done their job:
    the unjustly accused official had served almost four
    months in prison, and the case figured prominently
    in attack ads alleging corruption in the Democratic
    governor’s administration.

    This is the context in which you need to see the wild
    swings Republicans have been taking at Nancy Pelosi.

    First, there were claims that the speaker of the House
    had demanded a lavish plane for her trips back to
    California. One Republican leader denounced her
    “arrogance of extravagance” — then, when it became
    clear that the whole story was bogus, admitted that
    he had never had any evidence.

    Now there’s Ms. Pelosi’s fact-finding trip to Syria,
    which Dick Cheney denounced as “bad behavior” — unlike
    the visit to Syria by three Republican congressmen
    a few days earlier, or Newt Gingrich’s trip to
    China when he was speaker.

    Ms. Pelosi has responded coolly, dismissing the
    administration’s reaction as a “tantrum.” But it’s
    more than that: the hysterical reaction to her trip
    is part of a political strategy, aided and abetted
    by news organizations that give little lies their
    time in the sun.

    Fox News, which is a partisan operation in all but
    name, plays a crucial role in the Little Lie strategy
    — which is why there is growing pressure on Democratic
    politicians not to do anything, like participating
    in Fox-hosted debates, that helps Fox impersonate
    a legitimate news organization.

    But Fox has had plenty of help. Even Time’s Joe Klein,
    a media insider if anyone is, wrote of the Pelosi trip
    that “the media coverage of this on CNN and elsewhere
    has been abysmal.” For example, CNN ran a segment about
    Ms. Pelosi’s trip titled “Talking to Terrorists.”

    The G.O.P.’s reversion to the Little Lie technique
    is a symptom of political weakness, of a party reduced
    to trivial smears because it has nothing else to offer.
    But the technique will remain effective — and the U.S.
    political scene will remain ugly — as long as many
    people in the news media keep playing along.

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    16) 6-Year-Olds Under Arrest
    By BOB HERBERT
    Op-Ed Columnist
    Avon Park, Fla.
    April 9, 2007
    http://select.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/opinion/09herbert.html?hp

    When 6-year-old Desre’e Watson threw a tantrum in her
    kindergarten class a couple of weeks ago she could not
    have known that the full force of the law would be
    brought down on her and that she would be carted off
    by the police as a felon.

    But that’s what happened in this small, backward city
    in central Florida. According to the authorities,
    there were no other options.

    “The student became violent,” said Frank Mercurio,
    the no-nonsense chief of the Avon Park police.
    “She was yelling, screaming — just being
    uncontrollable. Defiant.”

    “But she was 6,” I said.

    The chief’s reply came faster than a speeding bullet:
    “Do you think this is the first 6-year-old we’ve
    arrested?”

    The child’s tantrum occurred on the morning of March 28
    at the Avon Elementary School. According to the police
    report, “Watson was upset and crying and wailing and
    would not leave the classroom to let them study, causing
    a disruption of the normal class activities.”

    After a few minutes, Desre’e was, in fact, taken to
    another room. She was “isolated,” the chief said.
    But she would not calm down. She flailed away at the
    teachers who tried to control her. She pulled one
    woman’s hair. She was kicking.

    I asked the chief if anyone had been hurt. “Yes,”
    he said. At least one woman reported “some redness.”

    After 20 minutes of this “uncontrollable” behavior,
    the police were called in. At the sight of the two
    officers, Chief Mercurio said, Desre’e “tried to
    take flight.”

    She went under a table. One of the police officers
    went after her. Each time the officer tried to grab
    her to drag her out, Desre’e would pull her legs
    away, the chief said.

    Ultimately the child was no match for Avon Park’s
    finest. The cops pulled her from under the table
    and handcuffed her. The officers were not fooling
    around. In the eyes of the cops the 6-year-old was
    a criminal, and in Avon Park she would be treated
    like any other felon.

    There was a problem, though. The handcuffs were
    not manufactured with kindergarten kids in mind.
    The chief explained: “You can’t handcuff them on
    their wrists because their wrists are too small,
    so you have to handcuff them up by their biceps.”

    As I sat listening to Chief Mercurio in a spotless,
    air-conditioned conference room at the Avon Park
    police headquarters, I had the feeling that I had
    somehow stumbled into the middle of a skit on
    “Saturday Night Live.” The chief seemed like the
    most reasonable of men, but what was coming out
    of his mouth was madness.

    He handed me a copy of the police report: black
    female. Six years old. Thin build. Dark complexion.

    Desre’e was put in the back of a patrol car and
    driven to the police station. “Then,” said Chief
    Mercurio, “she was transported to central booking,
    which is the county jail.”

    The child was fingerprinted and a mug shot was taken.
    “Those are the normal procedures for anyone who
    is arrested,” the chief said.

    Desre’e was charged with battery on a school official,
    which is a felony, and two misdemeanors: disruption
    of a school function and resisting a law enforcement
    officer. After a brief stay at the county jail,
    she was released to the custody of her mother.

    The arrest of this child, who should have been placed
    in the care of competent, comforting professionals
    rather than being hauled off to jail, is part of
    an outlandish trend of criminalizing very young
    children that has spread to many school districts
    and law enforcement agencies across the country.

    A highly disproportionate number of those youngsters,
    like Desre’e, are black. In Baltimore last month,
    the police arrested, handcuffed and hauled away
    a 7-year-old black boy for allegedly riding a dirt
    bike on the sidewalk. The youngster was released
    and the mayor, Sheila Dixon, apologized for the
    incident, saying the arrest was inappropriate.

    Last spring a number of civil rights organizations
    collaborated on a study of disciplinary practices
    in Florida schools and concluded that many of them,
    “like many districts in other states, have turned
    away from traditional education-based disciplinary
    methods — such as counseling, after-school detention,
    or extra homework assignments — and are looking
    to the legal system to handle even the most minor
    transgressions.”

    Once you adopt the mindset that ordinary childhood
    misbehavior is criminal behavior, it’s easy to start
    seeing young children as somehow monstrous.

    “Believe me when I tell you,” said Chief Mercurio,
    “a 6-year-old can inflict injury to you just
    as much as any other person.”

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    17) Guantánamo Detainees Stage Hunger Strike
    By TIM GOLDEN
    April 9, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/us/09hunger.html

    A long-term hunger strike has broken out at the American
    detention center at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba, with more than
    a dozen prisoners subjecting themselves to daily force-
    feeding to protest their treatment, military officials
    and lawyers for the detainees say.

    Lawyers for several hunger strikers said their clients’
    actions were driven by harsh conditions in a new maximum
    security complex. About 160 of the roughly 385 Guantánamo
    detainees have been moved to the complex since December.

    Thirteen detainees are now on hunger strikes, the largest
    number to endure the force-feeding regimen on an extended
    basis since early 2006, when the military broke a long-
    running strike with a new policy of strapping prisoners
    into restraint chairs while they are fed by plastic
    tubes inserted through their nostrils.

    The hunger strikers are now monitored so closely that
    they have virtually no chance to starve themselves.
    Yet their persistence underscores how the struggle
    between detainees and guards at Guantánamo has
    continued even as the military has tightened its
    control in the past year.

    “We don’t have any rights here, even after your Supreme
    Court said we had rights,” one hunger striker, Majid
    al-Joudi, told a military doctor, according to medical
    records released recently under a federal court order.
    “If the policy does not change, you will see a big
    increase in fasting.”

    A military spokesman at Guantánamo, Cmdr. Robert Durand
    of the Navy, played down the significance of the current
    strike, calling the prisoners’ complaints “propaganda.”

    But the protests come as criticism of Guantánamo
    continues to rise in the United States and abroad. Last
    week, after the Supreme Court denied a new appeal
    on behalf of the detainees, the head of the International
    Committee of the Red Cross delivered a rare public
    reprimand to the Bush administration, saying the
    prisoners’ ability to contest their detention was
    inadequate.

    Newly released Pentagon documents show that during
    earlier hunger strikes, before the use of the restraint
    chairs, some detainees lost more than 30 pounds in
    a matter of weeks. By comparison, the current hunger
    strike — in which 12 of the 13 detainees were being
    force-fed as of Friday — seems almost symbolic.

    For instance, the medical records for Mr. Joudi,
    a 36-year-old Saudi, showed that when he was hospitalized
    on Feb. 10, he had been fasting for 31 days and had
    lost more than 15 percent of his body weight.

    By the time he was transferred a few days later to
    a “feeding block” where more serious hunger strikers
    are segregated from other prisoners, his condition
    had stabilized and his weight was nearly back to an
    ideal level for a man his size. (His exact weight
    gain was not recorded.) Mr. Joudi was subsequently
    flown home and turned over to the Saudi authorities,
    his lawyer said.

    Lawyers for several detainees held in the new maximum
    security complex, known as Camp 6, compared it to
    “supermax” prisons in the United States. The major
    differences, they said, are that the detainees have
    limited reading material and no television, and only
    10 of the Guantánamo prisoners have been charged.

    The Camp 6 inmates are generally locked in their
    8-foot-by-10-foot cells for at least 22 hours a day,
    emerging only to exercise in small wire cages and
    to shower. Besides those times, they can talk with
    other prisoners only by shouting through food slots
    in the steel doors of their cells.

    “My wish is to die,” one reported hunger striker
    in the camp, Adnan Farhan Abdullatif, a 27-year old
    Yemeni, told his lawyer on Feb. 27, according
    to recently declassified notes of the meeting.
    “We are living in a dying situation.”

    Commander Durand, the Guantánamo spokesman, dismissed
    such accounts as part of an effort by the prisoners
    and their lawyers to discredit the detention mission.
    He described the new unit as much more comfortable
    than the detainees’ previous quarters, and denied
    that they suffered any greater sense of isolation
    in the new cell blocks.

    “This was designed to improve living conditions,”
    Commander Durand said, “and we think it has.”

    Camp 6 was originally designed as a modern, medium-
    security prison complex for up to 200 inmates, with
    common areas where they could gather for meals and
    a large fenced athletic field where they could jog
    or play soccer outside the high concrete walls.

    But after a riot last May and the suicides of three
    prisoners in June, the unit was retrofitted before
    opening to limit the detainees’ freedom and reduce
    the risk that they might hurt themselves or attack
    guards, military officials said.

    As Camp 6 was opening, senior officials expressed
    concern about how prisoners would react to its greater
    isolation. Most had been held in makeshift blocks
    of wire-mesh cells that — while often hot, noisy and
    lacking privacy — allowed them to communicate easily,
    pray together and even pass written messages.

    Guantánamo’s other maximum-security unit, Camp 5,
    has cells that face each other across a short hallway,
    allowing the roughly 100 detainees there to converse
    fairly easily. In Camp 6, the prisoners can see one
    another from their cells only when one of them is being
    moved. At other times, they look out on the stainless-
    steel picnic tables in the common areas they are not
    allowed to use.

    Lawyers for several Camp 6 detainees said their clients
    were despondent about the move even though, as military
    officials note, the new cells are 27 square feet larger
    than the old ones and have air-conditioning, nicer toilets
    and sinks, and a small desk anchored to the wall.

    “They’re just sitting on a powder keg down there,” said
    one lawyer, Sabin Willett, who, like others, described
    growing desperation among the prisoners. “You’re going
    to have an insane asylum.”

    Lawyers who visited Guantánamo recently said the detainees
    reported a higher number of hunger strikers than had
    the military — perhaps 40 or more. Military officials said
    there were sometimes “stealth hunger strikers,” who pretend
    to eat or surreptitiously vomit after eating, but they
    dismissed the detainees’ estimates as exaggerations.

    Because reporters are prevented from speaking with detainees
    or visiting most of their cell blocks, it is difficult
    to verify the conflicting accounts.

    Hunger strikes have been part of life at Guantánamo
    almost since the detention center opened in January 2002.

    They reached a peak in September 2005, when more than
    130 detainees were classified as hunger strikers,
    having refused at least nine consecutive meals, military
    records show. As the strikes went on, some detainees
    being force-fed continued to lose weight by vomiting
    or siphoning their stomachs with the feeding tubes.
    But by early February 2006, shortly after the military
    began using restraint chairs during the forced feedings,
    the number of hunger strikers plunged to three.

    The number rose again sharply but briefly last May,
    reaching 86 after three detainees attempted suicide
    and a riot broke out as the guards searched for contraband.
    Yet even then, no more than seven strikers were forced
    into the restraint chair regimen.

    Three detainees who had been hunger strikers hung
    themselves on June 10. After July, no more than three
    detainees subjected themselves to extended forced feeding.

    That number began to grow again as detainees were
    moved into Camp 6 in December. By mid-March, the
    number of hunger strikers reached 17. For the first
    time, as many as 15 detainees continued with the
    strikes despite being force-fed in the restraint
    chairs.

    Military officials have described the restraint chair
    regimen as unpleasant but necessary. They originally
    said prisoners needed to be restrained while digesting,
    so they could not purge what they were fed.

    Now, the rationale has changed. The restraints are
    generally applied “for safety of the detainee and
    medical staff,” records show, and they are kept on
    for as little as 15 minutes at a time, rather than
    the two hours commonly used before. Afterward, the
    prisoners are moved to a “dry cell” and monitored
    to make sure they do not vomit.

    Even so, some detainees describe the experience as
    painful, even gruesome.

    One Sudanese detainee, Sami al-Hajj, a 38-year-old
    former cameraman for Al Jazeera, described feeling
    at one point that he could not bear the tube for another
    instant. “I said I would begin to scream unless they
    took it out,” he wrote in a recent diary entry given
    to his lawyer. “They finally did.”

    Stephen H. Oleskey, who represents Saber Lahmar, an
    Algerian religious scholar whom military officials
    accused of propagating a religious legal ruling that
    was linked to the suicides, said of his client: “The
    man has been in segregation — virtual isolation —
    for over nine months. Physically and emotionally,
    he’s collapsing. We think this punishment does
    exceed what the law allows, and that he won’t
    survive.”

    Military officials said Mr. Lahmar and other detainees
    had received adequate medical attention.

    Margot Williams and William Glaberson contributed reporting.

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    18) Army Is Cracking Down on Deserters
    By PAUL von ZIELBAUER
    April 9, 2007
    http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/us/09awol.html?ref=us

    Army prosecutions of desertion and other unauthorized
    absences have risen sharply in the last four years,
    resulting in thousands more negative discharges and
    prison time for both junior soldiers and combat-tested
    veterans of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, Army
    records show.

    The increased prosecutions are meant to serve as a
    deterrent to a growing number of soldiers who are
    ambivalent about heading — or heading back — to Iraq
    and may be looking for a way out, several Army lawyers
    said in interviews. Using courts-martial for these
    violations, which before 2002 were treated mostly
    as unpunished nuisances, is a sign that active-duty
    forces are being stretched to their limits, military
    lawyers and mental health experts said.

    “They are scraping to get people to go back, and people
    are worn out,” said Dr. Thomas Grieger, a senior Navy
    psychiatrist. Though there are no current studies to
    show how combat stress affects desertion rates, Dr. Grieger
    cited several examples of soldiers absconding or refusing
    to return to Iraq because of psychiatric reasons brought
    on by wartime deployments.

    At an Army base in Alaska last year, for example, “there
    was one guy who literally chopped off his trigger finger
    with an axe to prevent his deployment,” Dr. Grieger said
    in an interview.

    The Army prosecuted desertion far less often in the late
    1990s, when desertions were more frequent, than it does
    now, when there are comparatively fewer.

    From 2002 through 2006, the average annual rate of Army
    prosecutions of desertion tripled compared with the five-
    year period from 1997 to 2001, to roughly 6 percent
    of deserters, from 2 percent, Army data shows.

    Between these two five-year spans — one prewar and one
    during wartime — prosecutions for similar crimes,
    like absence without leave or failing to appear for
    unit missions, have more than doubled, to an average
    of 390 per year from an average of 180 per year,
    Army data shows.

    In total, the Army since 2002 has court-martialed
    twice as many soldiers for desertion and other unauthorized
    absences as it did on average each year between 1997
    and 2001. Deserters are soldiers who leave a post
    or fail to show up for an assignment with the intent
    to stay away. Soldiers considered absent without leave,
    or AWOL, which presumes they plan to return, are classified
    as deserters and dropped from a unit’s rolls after 30 days.

    Most soldiers who return from unauthorized absences
    are punished and discharged. Few return to regular duty.

    Officers said the crackdown reflected an awareness by
    top Army and Defense Department officials that desertions,
    which occurred among more than 1 percent of the active-duty
    force in 2000 for the first time since the post-Vietnam era,
    were in a sustained upswing again after ebbing in 2003,
    the first year of the Iraq war.

    At the same time, the increase highlights a cycle long
    known to Army researchers: as the demand for soldiers
    increases during a war, desertions rise and the Army
    tends to lower enlistment standards, recruiting more
    people with questionable backgrounds who are far more
    likely to become deserters.

    In the 2006 fiscal year, 3,196 soldiers deserted, the
    Army said, a figure that has been climbing since the 2004
    fiscal year, when 2,357 soldiers absconded. In the first
    quarter of the current fiscal year, which began Oct. 1,
    871 soldiers deserted, a rate that, if it stays on pace,
    would produce 3,484 desertions for the fiscal year, an
    8 percent increase over 2006.

    The Army said the desertion rate was within historical
    norms, and that the surge in prosecutions, which are
    at the discretion of unit commanders, was not a surprise
    given the impact that absent soldiers can have during
    wartime.

    “The nation is at war, and the Army treats the offense
    of desertion more seriously,” Maj. Anne D. Edgecomb,
    an Army spokeswoman, said. “The Army’s leadership will
    take whatever measures they believe are appropriate
    if they see a continued upward trend in desertion,
    in order to maintain the health of the force.”

    Army studies and interviews also suggest a link between
    the rising rate of desertions and the expanding use
    of moral waivers to recruit people with poor academic
    records and low-level criminal convictions. At least
    1 in 10 deserters surveyed after returning to the Army
    from 2002 to mid-2004 required a waiver to enter the
    service, a report by the Army Research Institute found.

    “We’re enlisting more dropouts, people with more law
    violations, lower test scores, more moral issues,”
    said a senior noncommissioned officer involved in
    Army personnel and recruiting. “We’re really scraping
    the bottom of the barrel trying to get people to join.”
    (Army officials agreed to discuss the issue on the
    condition that they not be quoted by name.)

    The officer said the Army National Guard last week
    authorized 34 states and Guam to enlist the lowest-
    ranking group of eligible recruits, those who scored
    between 16 and 30 on the armed services aptitude test.
    Federal law bars recruits who scored lower than
    16 from enlisting.

    Desertions, while a chronic problem for the Army,
    are nowhere near as common as they were at the height
    of the Vietnam War. From 1968 to 1971, for instance,
    about 5 percent of enlisted men deserted.

    But the rate of desertion today, after four years
    of fighting two ground wars, is “being taken much more
    seriously because we were losing so many soldiers out
    of the Army that there was a recognized need to attack
    the problem from a different way,” said an Army criminal
    defense lawyer.

    In interviews, the lawyer and two other Army lawyers
    each traced the spike in prosecutions to a policy
    change at the beginning of 2002 that required
    commanders to welcome back soldiers who deserted
    or went AWOL.

    Before that, most deserters, who are often young,
    undistinguished soldiers who have fallen out of favor
    with their sergeants, were given administrative
    separations and sent home with other-than-honorable
    discharges.

    The new policy, ordered by the secretary of the army,
    effectively eliminated the incentive among squad
    sergeants to urge returning AWOL soldiers to stay
    away for at least 30 days, when they would be
    classified as deserters under the old rules and
    dropped from the roll.

    But some unit commanders, wary of scrutiny from
    their superiors, go out of their way to improperly
    keep deserted soldiers on their rosters, and on
    the Army’s payroll, two officers said in interviews.
    To counter that, the Army adopted a new policy
    in January 2005 requiring commanders to formally
    report absent soldiers within 48 hours.

    Such problems are costly. From October 2000 to
    February 2002, the Army improperly paid more than
    $6.6 million to 7,544 soldiers who had deserted
    or were otherwise absent, according to a July 2006
    report by the Government Accountability Office.

    Most deserters list dissatisfaction with Army
    life or family problems as primary reasons for
    their absence, and most go AWOL in the United
    States. But since 2003, 109 soldiers have been
    convicted of going AWOL or deserting war zones
    in Iraq or Afghanistan, usually during their
    scheduled two-week leaves in the United States,
    Army officials said.

    With the Iraq war in its fifth year, a new subset
    of deserter is emerging, military doctors and
    lawyers said: accomplished soldiers who abscond
    reluctantly, as a result of severe emotional
    trauma from their battle experiences.

    James, a 26-year-old paratrooper twice deployed
    to Iraq and Afghanistan, went AWOL in July after
    being reassigned to Fort Bliss, Tex., an Army
    post in the mountainous high-desert region near
    El Paso.

    “The places I was in in Iraq and Afghanistan look
    exactly like Fort Bliss,” said James, who agreed
    to talk about his case on the condition that his
    last name not be printed. “It starts messing with
    your head — ‘I’m really back there.’ ”

    In December, he and another deserter, Ronnie, 28,
    who also asked that his last name not be used,
    tried to surrender to the authorities at Fort
    Bliss. A staff sergeant told them not to bother,
    James said.

    James and Ronnie, who both have five years of service,
    suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder and abuse
    alcohol to self-medicate, said Dr. David M. Walker,
    a former Air Force psychiatrist who has examined
    both men.

    With help from lawyers, James and Ronnie returned
    to Fort Bliss on Tuesday. They were charged with
    desertion and face courts-martial and possibly
    a few months in a military brig.

    “If I could stay in the military, get help, that’s
    what I want,” said Ronnie, who completed an 18-month
    combat tour in Kirkuk, Iraq, with the 25th Infantry
    Division in 2004.

    The Army said combat-related stress had not caused
    many soldiers to desert.

    Major Edgecomb, the spokeswoman, said more than
    80 percent of the past year’s deserters had been
    soldiers for less than three years, and could not
    have been deployed more than once.

    Morten G. Ender, a sociologist at the United States
    Military Academy at West Point, said soldiers’
    decisions to go AWOL or desert might come in response
    to a family crisis — a threat by a spouse to leave
    if they deploy again, for instance, or a child-
    custody battle.

    “It’s not just that they don’t want to be in a war
    zone anymore,” Dr. Ender said. “We saw that a lot
    during Vietnam, and we see that a lot in the military now.”

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    19) CLOSE CONTACT
    To Woo Afghan Locals,
    U.S. Troops Settle In
    Tactic Wins Friends,
    Isolates Insurgents,
    But Boosts Casualties
    By MICHAEL M. PHILLIPS
    April 9, 2007; Page A1
    WALL STREET JOURNAL
    [VIA Email from: Walter Lippmann
    walterlx@earthlink.net ...bw]

    WAYGAL, Afghanistan -- One sunny morning last month, a group of
    bearded men stood beside the gurgling Waygal River and stared as a
    helicopter loaded with heavily armed Americans dropped out of the
    sky and into their cornfield. The moment the rear ramp opened, the
    soldiers ran for cover behind stone terraces and leafless trees.

    They had reason to be wary. These mountains are notorious for
    sheltering Taliban and al Qaeda fighters, and the soldiers were the
    first Americans to set foot in Waygal since the Afghan war began in
    2001.

    But instead of a hail of bullets, the soldiers got an invitation to
    dinner. When First Lt. Eric Malmstrom, a fresh-faced University of
    Pennsylvania graduate, approached the hirsute reception committee,
    village leader Ghulam Sakhi's most pressing question was, "Why didn't
    you come sooner?"

    A year ago, U.S. commanders here would have been reluctant to insert
    a small force of infantrymen into a remote village. But, along the
    Pech River and tributaries such as the Waygal, one 750-man U.S. Army
    battalion is trying a risky, grueling way to isolate the insurgents
    and win the support of the villagers. Instead of operating out of
    safe rear bases and commuting to the war, for the past year the
    soldiers of the First Battalion, 32nd Infantry Regiment have lived on
    the battlefield, in a series of small, rudimentary encampments
    situated among the disputed villages themselves.

    It's an intimate style of warfare and, for the Americans, a brutal
    one. They go weeks without showers or decent food. They live every
    day exposed to enemy fire, and it has cost them dearly. Over the past
    year, 1-32 has lost 19 men, almost half of the deaths in the entire
    5,000-man brigade.

    The Americans and their Afghan National Army allies live among the
    people on the valley floor, while the insurgents -- Taliban, al Qaeda
    and other fighters of various stripes -- are up in the steep, rocky
    ridges. When the insurgents attack, they fire down on American
    soldiers and Afghan civilians alike. "The semiotics of it are great,"
    says Lt. Col. Chris Cavoli, commander of 1-32, a unit of the 10th
    Mountain Division. "You can't buy press like that. The way the fight
    is constructed is to deliver one message: We're here to protect you,
    and the bad guys are here to ruin your lives."

    The battalion's progress comes amid warnings that elsewhere in
    Afghanistan, the Taliban are resurgent and public faith is sagging in
    the government of President Hamid Karzai. The United Nations
    secretary general reported last month that the insurgents are
    "emboldened by their strategic successes, rather than disheartened by
    tactical failures." A February study by the Center for Strategic and
    International Studies, a Washington think tank, said the situation in
    Afghanistan is "both more perilous and more complex" than at any
    other time since the U.S.-led coalition toppled the Taliban regime
    after Sept. 11, 2001.

    Critics say the setbacks have come in part because the U.S., distracted
    by the war in Iraq, has too little manpower in Afghanistan to engage in
    community policing.

    Striking Results

    Here, however, the results are striking. A year ago, the Pech Valley,
    the main artery through the area, was a gantlet of roadside bombings
    and rocket-propelled grenade fire. Lately there have been just two or
    three roadside bombs a month, and the locals frequently report them
    to Afghan or U.S. troops before they explode.

    A year ago, it took five hours to drive the 19 miles from Asadabad,
    the nearest big town, to Nangalam, site of the nearest sizable U.S.
    military base. The road was little more than a goat trail. Now a
    U.S.-funded, $7.5 million project is turning it into a two-lane,
    paved road connecting the Pech Valley to, in effect, the rest of the
    world.

    Col. Cavoli, a 42-year-old Princeton graduate who spent much of his
    youth in Italy, argues that the key to defeating the insurgents is
    having a "persistent presence" among the people, not just "persistent
    raiding." Placing American and Afghan troops around villages creates
    a security bubble, he says, that allows the U.S. to pour money into
    economic-development projects.

    "The basic idea is to kill the enemy to convince the people that you
    can and will protect them," says the colonel, a compact man with
    receding hair and an easy grin. "Then in the breathing space created,
    you've got to do something to connect the people to the government."

    The road is central to Col. Cavoli's strategy: It demonstrates the
    goodwill of the American and Afghan governments by giving the
    residents a commercial link they desperately need. Already, a hotel
    is under construction in Nangalam and gas stations are appearing
    along the river. Once the hard surface is in place, it will be more
    difficult for insurgents to plant roadside bombs.

    The construction provides jobs to hundreds of local men who might
    otherwise be tempted to join the insurgency. And the road lures the
    insurgents out of the mountains in a way that, Army officers argue,
    will inevitably alienate them further from the population. The road
    is popular with the locals; attacking it is not. The Americans now
    plan more roads, including a $7.5 million stretch to Waygal, the
    village where Lt. Malmstrom and his men landed recently.

    In December, the Army and Marine Corps issued a new counterinsurgency
    doctrine that closely hews to Col. Cavoli's approach, arguing that
    killing the enemy is less important than building ties to the local
    populace -- and to do that, American troops may have to take on more
    risk themselves. "If military forces remain in their compounds, they
    lose touch with the people, appear to be running scared and cede the
    initiative to the insurgents," the new manual says.

    Col. Cavoli is "on the cutting edge of a new approach to
    counterinsurgency," says Col. John Nicholson, commander of the 3rd