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Friday, April 13, 2007
BAUAW NEWSLETTER - FRIDAY, APRIL 13, 2007
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*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* Tell Bush and Congress: Don't Release Luis Posada Carriles! Extradite Posada to Venezuela https://secure2.convio.net/pep/site/Advocacy?JServSessionIdr006=238mdc75w3.app8a&cmd=display&page=UserAction&id=159 *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* ARTICLES IN FULL: *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 1) Reflections by the Commander in Chief A BRUTAL REPLY Fidel Castro Ruz April 10, 2007 http://www.cuba.cu/gobierno/discursos/2007/ing/f100407i.html 2) Now the South Erupts Inter Press Service Ali al-Fadhily* http://www.dahrjamailiraq.com/hard_news/archives/iraq/000564.php#more 3) Cuban Youth Searching for Their Inner Selves Juventud Rebelde reveals the finding of its Third National Survey of Youth 2007-04-10 | 13:31:23 EST http://www.juventudrebelde.co.cu/cuba/2007-04-10/cuban-youth-searching-for-their-inner-selves-/ 4) Paying the Price By BOB HERBERT Op-Ed Columnist April 12, 2007 http://select.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/opinion/12herbert.html?hp 5) Four Years Later in Iraq Editorial April 12, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/opinion/12thu1.html?_r=1&hp&oref=slogin 6) Civilian Claims on U.S. Suggest the Toll of War By PAUL von ZIELBAUER April 12, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/world/middleeast/12abuse.html?hp 7) U.S. Suspects That Iran Aids Both Sunni and Shiite Militias By ALISSA J. RUBIN April 12, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/world/middleeast/12iraq.html?ref=world 8) About Creation, Pope Melds Faith With Science By IAN FISHER April 12, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/world/europe/12pope.html 9) Life in Iraq Worsening, Red Cross Says By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS April 12, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/world/middleeast/12redcross.html 10) 4 Years On, the Gap Between Iraq Policy and Practice Is Wide By DAVID E. SANGER April 12, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/world/middleeast/12policy.html 11) Panel on Walter Reed Woes Issues Strong Rebuke By SCOTT SHANE April 12, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/washington/12medical.html?ref=us 12) As His Time Grows Short, a Dog Seeks a Reprieve By PAUL VITELLO April 12, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/nyregion/12dog.html 13) The Blinded Leading the Blind A Jones for Justice Connecting the Dots: Law, Slavery, and Immigration By Dr. John Calvin Jones, PhD, JD BC Columnist www.blackcommentator.com/225/225_jones_for_justice_law_slavery_immigration_pf.html 14) REFLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT FIDEL CASTRO "More than three billion people in the world condemned to premature death from hunger and thirst." March 28, 2007 Fidel Castro. Translated by Granma International [This email was sent as a service by Roland Sheppard. My website is http://web.mac.com/rolandgarret . Read my book, The View From The Painter's Ladder available at Amazon.com] *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 1) Reflections by the Commander in Chief A BRUTAL REPLY Fidel Castro Ruz April 10, 2007 http://www.cuba.cu/gobierno/discursos/2007/ing/f100407i.html George W. Bush is undoubtedly the most genuine representative of a system of terror forced on the world by the technological, economic and political superiority of the most powerful country known to this planet. For this reason, we share the tragedy of the American people and their ethical values. The instructions for the verdict issued by Judge Kathleen Cardone, of the El Paso Federal Court last Friday, granting Luis Posada Carriles freedom on bail, could only have come from the White House. It was President Bush himself who ignored at all times the criminal and terrorist nature of the defendant who was protected with a simple accusation of immigration violation leveled at him. The reply is brutal. The government of the United States and its most representative institutions had already decided to release the monster. The backgrounds are well-known and reach far back. The people who trained him and ordered him to destroy a Cuban passenger plane in midair, with 73 athletes, students and other Cuban and foreign travelers on board, together with its dedicated crew; those who bought his freedom while the terrorist was held in prison in Venezuela, so that he could supply and practically conduct a dirty war against the people of Nicaragua, resulting in the loss of thousands of lives and the devastation of a country for decades to come; those who empowered him to smuggle with drugs and weapons making a mockery of the laws of Congress; those who collaborated with him to create the terrible Operation Condor and to internationalize terror; the same who brought torture, death and often the physical disappearance of hundreds of thousands of Latin Americans, could not possibly act any different. Even though Bush‚s decision was to be expected, it is certainly no less humiliating for our people. Thanks to the revelations of „Por Esto!‰ a Mexican publication from the state of Quintana Roo later complemented by our own sources, Cuba knew with absolute precision how Posada Carriles entered from Central America, via Cancun, to the Isla Mujeres departing from there on board the Santrina, after the ship was inspected by the Mexican federal authorities, heading with other terrorists straight to Miami. Denounced and publicly challenged with exact information on the matter, since April 15, 2005, it took the government of that country more than a month to arrest the terrorist, and a year and two months to admit that Luis Posada Carriles had entered through the Florida coast illegally on board the Santrina, a presumed school-ship licensed in the United States. Not a single word is said of his countless victims, of the bombs he set off in tourist facilities in recent years, of his dozens of plans financed by the government of the United States to physically eliminate me. It was not enough for Bush to offend the name of Cuba by installing a horrible torture center similar to Abu Ghraib on the territory illegally occupied in Guantánamo, horrifying the world with this procedure. The cruel actions of his predecessors seemed not enough for him. It was not enough to force a poor and underdeveloped country like Cuba to spend 100 billion dollars. To accuse Posada Carriles was tantamount to accusing himself. Throughout almost half a century, everything was fair game against our small island lying 90 miles away from its coast, wanting to be independent. Florida saw the installation of the largest station for intelligence and subversion that ever existed on this planet. It was not enough to send a mercenary invasion on the Bay of Pigs, costing us 176 dead and more than 300 wounded at a time when the few medical specialists they left us had no experience treating war wounds. Earlier still, the French ship La Coubre carrying Belgian weapons and grenades for Cuba had exploded on the docks of Havana Harbor. The two well synchronized explosions caused the deaths of more than 100 workers and wounded others as many of them tool part in the rescue attempts. It was not enough to have the Missile Crisis of 1962, which brought the world to the brink of an all-consuming thermonuclear war, at a time when there were bombs 50 times more powerful than the ones dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. It was not enough to introduce in our country viruses, bacteria and fungi to attack plantations and flocks; and incredible as it may seem, to attack human beings. Some of these pathogens came out of American laboratories and were brought to Cuba by well-known terrorists in the service of the United States government. Add to all this the enormous injustice of keeping five heroic patriots imprisoned for supplying information about terrorist activities; they were condemned in a fraudulent manner to sentences that include two life sentences and they stoically withstand cruel mistreatment, each of them in a different prison. Time and again the Cuban people have fearlessly faced the threat of death. They have demonstrated that with intelligence, using appropriate tactics and strategies, and especially preserving unity around their political and social vanguard, there can be no force on this earth capable of defeating them. I think that the coming May Day celebration would be the ideal day for our people, --using the minimum of fuel and transportation-- to show their feelings to the workers and the poor of the world. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 2) Now the South Erupts Inter Press Service Ali al-Fadhily* http://www.dahrjamailiraq.com/hard_news/archives/iraq/000564.php#more BASRA, Apr 11 (IPS) - The eruption of demonstrations in the south of Iraq this week could rob the occupation forces of what was considered a critical bastion of support. The southern areas of Iraq have long been said to be secure, and people there peaceful towards the occupation forces. Iraqis living in the south were also believed to be cooperative with the occupation to the extent that they supported administrative steps taken by successive Iraqi governments. The majority of the population of the south are Shia Muslims, and Iraq has had Shia- dominated governments under the occupation. But demonstrations against the occupation and the United States by hundreds of thousands of angry Shias in Najaf, Kut and other cities across the south Apr. 9 mark a sharp break from a policy of cooperation. Protesters demanded an end to the U.S.-led occupation, burnt U.S. flags and chanted "Death to America!" Brig. Gen. Abdul Karim al-Mayahi, a police commander in Najaf, told reporters that at least half a million people joined the demonstration there. Lt. Col. Christopher Garver, a U.S. military spokesman in Baghdad, told reporters, "We say that we're here to support democracy. We say that free speech and freedom of assembly are part of that. While we don't necessarily agree with the message, we agree with their right to say it." Clashes after the demonstration left at least one U.S. soldier dead and another wounded in Diwaniyah, 180 km south of Baghdad. "We have been patient and we have sacrificed a lot thinking the situation would be better one day soon," Hussein Ali, a teacher from Diwaniyah told IPS. "The result we see now is that we were dragged into a swamp of hatred between brothers, and that all the bloodshed was for the sake of war leaders to get more power and fortune." Fighting is continuing in Diwaniyah between the occupation forces and the Mehdi Army led by Shia cleric Muqtada al-Sadr. Additional U.S. and Iraqi troops have been brought into the city to make arrests and carry out door-to-door raids in search of illegal weapons and wanted militiamen. Muqtada al-Sadr, quiet for a considerable period after clashing with U.S. troops early on in the occupation period, publicly called on his militia to attack occupation troops. So far this month, five occupation troops have been killed every day on average, according to U.S. Department of Defence figures. The new Shia armed uprising, which appears to be in its early days, is a further blow to occupation forces that are already stretched thin. "Four years of patience and what do we get?" Ali Hashim, a merchant from the southern city Basra told IPS. "We got nothing but the loss of our country to those who spoke a lot but did nothing. The United States failed us and sold us cheap to those who would have no mercy on us." Mahmood al-Lamy, a historian from Basra told IPS the situation there was critical. "Basra is the biggest southern city and the only Iraqi city that has a port near the Gulf. It is now controlled by various militias who fight each other from time to time over an oil smuggling business that is flourishing under the occupation." Lamy said residents fear that "the situation here will be a lot worse in the coming months due to disputes that are appearing between major parties." Lamy was referring to the withdrawal last month of the al-Fadhila Party from the Shia Islamic Coalition Parliament Group, and the dismissal of two ministers from the al-Sadr movement as a punishment for contacting U.S. officials in Nasiriyah in southern Iraq. The Shia political group is increasingly divided over many issues, and it seems unlikely that it will hold together. But many of the groups are increasingly opposed to the occupation. "We were late to realise that we were wrong about U.S. intentions," Salman Yassen of the Basra city municipality council told IPS. "We waited four years while U.S. and Iraqi authorities kept us busy fighting each other while they were setting the plan of stealing our oil and tearing our country apart so that their allies would feel safe." Four years of the occupation of Iraq have seen many changes in U.S. strategies, ambassadors and tactics, but the changes may be too little, too late. "The delay in moving politically has cost Iraq, the U.S. and many other countries a great deal," former Iraqi police colonel Ahmed Jabbar told IPS in Baghdad. "The least to be said is that the world would have been better off without this occupation and the catastrophic security disturbance it has caused." *(Ali, our correspondent in Baghdad, works in close collaboration with Dahr Jamail, our U.S.-based specialist writer on Iraq who travels extensively in the region) *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 3) Cuban Youth Searching for Their Inner Selves Juventud Rebelde reveals the finding of its Third National Survey of Youth 2007-04-10 | 13:31:23 EST http://www.juventudrebelde.co.cu/cuba/2007-04-10/cuban-youth-searching-for-their-inner-selves-/ The Cuban Center for Youth Studies (CESJ in Spanish) carried out an important investigation – not only learn about young people more deeply, but to encourage further studies. The Third National Survey of Youth was given to more than 3,000 youngsters, ranging from 15 to 29 years of age, all living in urban areas in all the provinces of the island. The survey looked into conditions and influences, which included their socio-demographic characteristics, housing and economic conditions, education and employment situation, and leisure opportunities. Below, JR describes the youth interviewed and the survey findings. Looking Inside For French writer Honore de Balzac, marriage was “in the end, a passionate battle where spouses ask for God’s blessing because loving ‘until death do us part’ is the most frightful of tasks.” Maybe this is why our youth suffer gamophobia (the fear of marriage). Consequently, as the survey reveals, most of them are still singles. Another of the questions addressed is the sensitive problem of housing, a major challenge facing Cuban society as a whole, and which is also experienced by youth. More than the 50 percent of them live in houses with construction problems. Interviewees complained about space and structural conditions of their houses, considering them insufficient for their development. Housing issues, family dependence and a lack of privacy are their principal dilemmas. Still, it’s revealing that 72.3 percent have their own room or a minimally shared room. Overcrowding tends to be more frequent in substandard housing. The Pocket Economy Although the Cuban economy moved forward and overcame the harsh recession of the 1990s, people’s pockets didn’t seem to catch up that fast. The household budget of Cubans must still adjust to shortages. Most interviewees are economically dependent on other people. Most of them live in the eastern region of the island, are women and range between the ages of 15 and 29. The survey demonstrated that youth spend their incomes in the same way as the rest of the population: on food, clothes, shoes, and household expenses. Women and young adult share their income in accordance with other people’s needs or with those of the home. Seeking the Other Half Some youngsters read through the horoscope to learn of their fortune in affairs of the heart, or to look for secret aphrodisiacs or some other sort of aid to make them luckier in their pursuits. If you ask them about one of their main goals, with no hesitation they will answer: finding a partner. The same sentiments were expressed by the investigators, especially the women. They give top priority to this goal. Meanwhile youth over 25 vehemently defended the right to be single. Love and common likes are fundamental to a successful relationship, asserted the youth, with all agreeing that this was regardless of sex or age. Regarding the prior study (the Second National Survey of Youth), some of the youth’s priorities have shifted in importance. Having children, in particular, has dropped from the third to the seventh position — an alarming sign given the unbalanced aging of Cuban society. Issues of greatest interest for this cohort were those related to employment, leisure, personal problems and future plans. Employment on the Mind The study demonstrated that over the 36 percent of youth are students, while high school graduates are 50 percent of this population and university graduates 35.5 percent. The largest part of the younger generation are workers (37.7 percent). This group is made up mainly of manual laborers, technicians, and service workers — most of them working for the government. When the study was carried out, most unemployed youth spent their time doing house chores; the rest could be divided into two groups: those who didn’t work or study and those actively looking for employment. Just as in the second national survey, the state sector —along with the developing sector (tourism, joint ventures, and publicly-run corporations) — continue to be the most popular among youth. Interviewees say their choice of field of employment is closely related to the country’s economic situation, the search for better working conditions as well as the pay offered. Prejudices and Stereotypes Although hardly no teenagers and youth said they had experienced rejection or mistreatment, they highlighted certain prejudices and stereotypes that go against the principles of Cuba’s socialist system. A small number had experienced rejection within society, owing to difference of opinion, their economic situation, sex, or skin color. Racial stereotypes have promoted discriminatory behavior among adolescence and youth, especially within the family and among couples. The availability and use of free time was also underlined as a problem. The majority said to have little options for leisure. Likewise, there is a tendency to fulfill those needs using personal resources and not those provided by the government. The primary aspirations of adolescence and youth regarding family, studies, and employment go hand in hand with the principles of Cuban society. Their main aspirations are to find a partner, to strengthen their present relationship, to go to college and work in a field that allows them to satisfy their spiritual and material needs. Youth shift between reality and longings, between dilemmas and the dreams of solving them. Cuban youth, with its contradictions and challenges, is constructing the destiny of our country — leading the way to humanism, like the morning precedes the day. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 4) Paying the Price By BOB HERBERT Op-Ed Columnist April 12, 2007 http://select.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/opinion/12herbert.html?hp You knew something was up early in the day. As soon as I told executives at MSNBC that I was going to write about the “60 Minutes” piece, which was already in pretty wide circulation, they began acting very weird. We’ll get back to you, they said. In a “60 Minutes” interview with Don Imus broadcast in July 1998, Mike Wallace said of the “Imus in the Morning” program, “It’s dirty and sometimes racist.” Mr. Imus then said: “Give me an example. Give me one example of one racist incident.” To which Mr. Wallace replied, “You told Tom Anderson, the producer, in your car, coming home, that Bernard McGuirk is there to do nigger jokes.” Mr. Imus said, “Well, I’ve nev — I never use that word.” Mr. Wallace then turned to Mr. Anderson, his producer. “Tom,” he said. “I’m right here,” said Mr. Anderson. Mr. Imus then said to Mr. Anderson, “Did I use that word?” Mr. Anderson said, “I recall you using that word.” “Oh, O.K.,” said Mr. Imus. “Well, then I used that word. But I mean — of course, that was an off-the-record conversation. But ——” “The hell it was,” said Mr. Wallace. The transcript was pure poison. A source very close to Don Imus told me last night, “They did not want to wait for your piece to come out.” For MSNBC, Mr. Imus’s “nappy-headed ho’s” comment about the Rutgers women’s basketball team was bad enough. Putting the word “nigger” into the so-called I-man’s mouth was beyond the pale. The roof was caving in on Mr. Imus. More advertisers were pulling the plug. And Bruce Gordon, a member of the CBS Corp. board of directors and former head of the N.A.A.C.P., said publicly that Mr. Imus should be fired. But some of the most telling and persuasive criticism came from an unlikely source — internally at the network that televised Mr. Imus’s program. Women, especially, were angry and upset. Powerful statements were made during in-house meetings by women at NBC and MSNBC — about how black women are devalued in this country, how they are demeaned by white men and black men. White and black women spoke emotionally about the way black women are frequently trashed in the popular culture, especially in music, and about the way news outlets give far more attention to stories about white women in trouble. Phil Griffin, a senior vice president at NBC News who oversaw the Imus show for MSNBC, told me yesterday, “It touched a huge nerve.” Whether or not Mr. McGuirk was hired for the specific noxious purpose referred to in the “60 Minutes” interview, he has pretty much lived up to that job description. He’s a minstrel, a white man who has gleefully led the Imus pack into some of the most disgusting, degrading attempts at racial (not to mention sexist) humor that it’s possible to imagine. Blacks were jigaboos, Sambos and Brilloheads. Women were bitches and, above all else, an endless variety of ever-ready sexual vessels, born to be degraded. The question now is how long the “Imus in the Morning” radio show will last. Just last month, in a reference to a speech by Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton in Selma, Ala., Mr. McGuirk called Mrs. Clinton a bitch and predicted she would “have cornrows and gold teeth” by the time her presidential primary campaign against Senator Barack Obama is over. Way back in 1994, a friend of mine, the late Lars-Erik Nelson, a terrific reporter and columnist at The Daily News and Newsday, mentioned an Imus segment that offered a “satirical” rap song that gave advice to President Clinton on what to do about Paula Jones: “Pimp-slap the ho.” Mr. Nelson also wrote that there was a song on the program dealing with Hillary Clinton’s menstrual cycle. So this hateful garbage has been going on for a long, long time. There was nothing new about the tone or the intent of Mr. Imus’s “nappy-headed ho’s” comment. As Bryan Monroe, president of the National Association of Black Journalists, told me the other night, “It’s a long pattern of behavior, and at some point somebody has to say enough is enough.” The crucial issue goes well beyond Don Imus’s pathetically infantile behavior. The real question is whether this controversy is loud enough to shock Americans at long last into the realization of just how profoundly racist and sexist the culture is. It appears that on this issue the general public, and the women at Mr. Imus’s former network, are far ahead of the establishment figures, the politicians and the media biggies, who were always so anxious to appear on the show and to defend Mr. Imus. That is a very good sign. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 5) Four Years Later in Iraq Editorial April 12, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/opinion/12thu1.html?_r=1&hp&oref=slogin Four years ago this week, as American troops made their first, triumphant entrance into Baghdad, joyous Iraqis pulled down a giant statue of Saddam Hussein. It was powerful symbolism — a murderous dictator toppled, Baghdad is taking to the streets without fear, American soldiers hailed as liberators. After four years of occupation, untold numbers killed by death squads and suicide bombers, and searing experiences like Abu Ghraib, few Iraqis still look on American soldiers as liberators. Instead, thousands marked this week’s anniversary by burning American flags and marching through the streets of Najaf chanting, “Death to America.” Once again, tens of thousands of American troops are pouring into Baghdad. Yesterday the Pentagon announced that battle- weary Army units in Iraq would have to stay on for an additional three months past their scheduled return dates. Mr. Bush is desperately gambling that by stretching the Army to the absolute limits of its deployable strength, he may be able to impose some relative calm in the capital. And he seems to imagine that should that gamble succeed, the Shiite-dominated government of Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki will, without any serious pressure from Washington, take the steps toward sharing political power and economic resources it has tenaciously resisted since the day it took office a year ago. Unless Mr. Maliki takes those steps — eliminating militia and death squad members from the Iraqi Army and police, fairly sharing oil revenues, and rolling back laws that deny political and economic opportunities to the Sunni middle class — no lasting security gains are possible. More Iraqi and American lives will be sacrificed. Even among Shiites, who suffered so much at the hands of Saddam Hussein and who are the supposed beneficiaries of Mr. Maliki’s shortsighted policies, there is a deep disillusionment and anger. This week, a Washington Post reporter interviewed Khadim al-Jubouri, who four years ago swung his sledgehammer to help knock down the dictator’s statue. Mr. Jubouri said that ever since he watched that statue being built he had nourished a dream of bringing it down and ushering in much better times. Now, with friends and relatives killed, kidnapped or driven from their homes, the prices of basic necessities soaring and electricity rationed to four hours a day, Mr. Jubouri says the change of regimes “achieved nothing” and he has come to hate the American military presence he once welcomed. Mr. Maliki’s supporters can be even more frightening to listen to. This week’s demonstration in Najaf was organized by the fiercely anti-American Shiite cleric Moktada al-Sadr, whose political party and militia helped put Mr. Maliki in power and are still among his most important allies. Two months into the Baghdad security drive, the gains Mr. Bush is banking on have not materialized. More American soldiers continue to arrive, and their commanders are talking about extending the troop buildup through the fall or into early next year. After four years, the political trend is even more discouraging. There is no possible triumph in Iraq and very little hope left. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 6) Civilian Claims on U.S. Suggest the Toll of War By PAUL von ZIELBAUER April 12, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/world/middleeast/12abuse.html?hp In February 2006, nervous American soldiers in Tikrit killed an Iraqi fisherman on the Tigris River after he leaned over to switch off his engine. A year earlier, a civilian filling his car and an Iraqi Army officer directing traffic were shot by American soldiers in a passing convoy in Balad, for no apparent reason. The incidents are among many thousands of claims submitted to the Army by Iraqi and Afghan civilians seeking payment for noncombat killings, injuries or property damage American forces inflicted on them or their relatives. The claims provide a rare window into the daily chaos and violence faced by civilians and troops in the two war zones. Recently, the Army disclosed roughly 500 claims to the American Civil Liberties Union in response to a Freedom of Information Act request. They are the first to be made public. They represent only a small fraction of the claims filed. In all, the military has paid more than $32 million to Iraqi and Afghan civilians for noncombat-related killings, injuries and property damage, an Army spokeswoman said. That figure does not include condolence payments made at a unit commander’s discretion. The paperwork, examined by The New York Times, provides unusually detailed accounts of how bystanders to the conflicts have become targets of American forces grappling to identify who is friend, who is foe. In the case of the fisherman in Tikrit, he and his companion desperately tried to appear unthreatening to an American helicopter overhead. “They held up the fish in the air and shouted ‘Fish! Fish!’ to show they meant no harm,” said the Army report attached to the claim filed by the fisherman’s family. The Army refused to compensate for the killing, ruling that it was “combat activity,” but approved $3,500 for his boat, net and cellphone, which drifted away and were stolen. In the killings at the gas station in Balad, documents show that the Army determined that the neither of the dead Iraqis had done anything hostile or criminal, and approved $5,000 to the civilian’s brother but nothing for the Iraqi officer. In another incident, in 2005, an American soldier in a dangerous Sunni Arab area south of Baghdad killed a boy after mistaking his book bag for a bomb satchel. The Army paid the boy’s uncle $500. The Foreign Claims Act, which governs such compensation, does not deal with combat-related cases. For those cases, including the boy’s, the Army may offer a condolence payment as a gesture of regret with no admission of fault, of usually no higher than $2,500 per person killed. The total number of claims filed, or paid, is unclear, although extensive data has been provided in reports to Congress. There is no way to know immediately whether disciplinary action or prosecution has resulted from the cases. Soldiers hand out instruction cards after mistakes are made, so Iraqis know where to file claims. “The Army does not target civilians,” said Maj. Anne D. Edgecomb, an Army spokeswoman. “Sadly, however, the enemy’s tactics in Iraq and Afghanistan unnecessarily endanger innocent civilians.” There are no specific guidelines to tell Army field officers judging the claims how to evaluate the cash value of a life taken, Major Edgecomb said. She said officers “consider the contributions the deceased made to those left behind and offer an award based on the facts, local tribal customs, and local law.” In Haditha, one of the most notorious incidents involving American troops in Iraq, the Marines paid residents $38,000 after troops killed two dozen people in November 2005. The relatively small number of claims divulged by the Army show patterns of misunderstanding at checkpoints and around American military convoys that often result in inadvertent killings. In one incident, in Feb. 18, 2006, a taxi approached a checkpoint east of Baquba that was not properly marked with signs to slow down, one Army claim evaluation said. Soldiers fired on the taxi, killing a woman and severely wounding her daughter and son. The Army approved an unusually large condolence payment of $7,500. In September 2005, soldiers killed a man and his sister by firing 200 rounds into their car as it approached a checkpoint, apparently too quickly, near Mussayib. The Army lieutenant colonel who handled the claim awarded relatives a $10,000 compensation payment, finding that the soldiers had overstepped the rules of engagement. “There are some very tragic losses of civilian life, including losses of whole families,” said Anthony D. Romero, the A.C.L.U.’s executive director, in an interview. He said the claims showed “enormous confusion on all sides, both from the civilian population on how to interact with the armed services and also among the soldiers themselves.” Of the 500 cases released, 204, or about 40 percent, were apparently rejected because the injury, death or property damage was deemed to have been “directly or indirectly” related to combat. Of the claims approved for payment, at least 87 were not combat-related, and 77 were condolence payments for incidents the Army judged to be combat-related. About 10 percent of the claims were rejected because the Army could not find a “significant activity” report confirming an incident. A summary of the cases is online at www.aclu.org/civiliancasualties. In Iraq, rules for evaluating claims have changed. Before President Bush declared major combat operations over, in May 2003, commanders considered most checkpoint shootings to be combat-related. Lt. Gen. Peter W. Chiarelli, the former commander of day-to-day operations in Iraq, stiffened rules at checkpoints. In late 2003, as more Iraqis were accidentally injured or killed, the Army began offering condolence payments. It has not always worked as planned, said Sarah Holewinski, the executive director of the Campaign for Innocent Victims in Conflict, a nonprofit group in Washington. “Sometimes families would get paid and sometimes their neighbors wouldn’t,” she said. “It caused a lot of resentments among the Iraqis, which is ironic because it was a program specifically meant to foster good will.” The Army usually assigns a captain, major or lieutenant colonel to accept claims in Iraq and Afghanistan and decide on payment. But in and near combat zones in Iraq, a claim’s merit is quickly judged by an officer juggling dozens of new claims each week, said Jon E. Tracy, a former Army captain and lawyer who adjudicated Iraqi civilian claims in the Baghdad area from May 2003 through July 2004. “I know plenty of lawyers who did not pay any condolences payments at all,” said Mr. Tracy, who is now a legal consultant for the Campaign for Innocent Victims in Conflict. “There was no reason for it. It was clearly not combat, and the victim was clearly innocent, all the facts are there, witness statements, but they wouldn’t pay them.” Half of the claims he adjudicated were property damage claims from collisions with military vehicles, he said. Most fraudulent claims were property claims; few were for wrongful killings. “You just had to read people,” he said. About a quarter of claims were for personal injury or deaths. In his year judging claims, Mr. Tracy said he paid 52 condolence payments, most for deaths. “I had three to four times more,” Mr. Tracy said, “I just didn’t have enough money.” Andrew W. Lehren contributed reporting from New York, and Edward Wong from Baghdad. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 7) U.S. Suspects That Iran Aids Both Sunni and Shiite Militias By ALISSA J. RUBIN April 12, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/world/middleeast/12iraq.html?ref=world BAGHDAD, April 11 — Arms that American military officials say appear to have been manufactured in Iran as recently as last year have turned up in the past week in a Sunni- majority area, the chief spokesman for the American military command in Iraq said Wednesday in a news conference. The spokesman, Maj. Gen. William B. Caldwell IV, said that detainees in American custody had indicated that Iranian intelligence operatives had given support to Sunni insurgents and that surrogates for the Iranian intelligence service were training Shiite extremists in Iran. He gave no further description of the detainees and did not say why they would have that information. “We have in fact found some cases recently where Iranian intelligence sources have provided to Sunni insurgent groups some support,” said General Caldwell, who sat near a table crowded with weapons that he said the military contended were largely of Iranian manufacture. The weapons were found in a mostly Sunni neighborhood in Baghdad, he said, a rare instance of the American military suggesting any link between Iran and the Sunni insurgency. It has recently suggested a link with Shiite militants in Iraq. The accusation of a link between the Iranian intelligence service and Sunni Arab insurgents is new. The American military has contended in the past that elements in Iran have given Shiite militants powerful Iranian-made roadside bombs known as explosively formed penetrators, and training in their use. Critics have cast doubt on the American military statements about those bombs, saying the evidence linking them to Iran was circumstantial and inferential. The weapons displayed on Wednesday were more conventional, and officials pointed to markings on them that they said indicated Iranian manufacture. The display came as the military released figures showing that 26 percent fewer civilians were killed and wounded in Baghdad from Jan. 1 through March 31 than during the previous quarter, as the new American effort to secure Baghdad got under way, but that nationwide civilian casualties had risen. From February to March the number of dead and wounded nationwide, including civilians and members of Iraqi and American security forces, rose 10 percent, according to the military report. “What does that mean?” General Caldwell said. “It means we still have a lot of work to do.” The military announced that one soldier died on the eastern side of Baghdad from a roadside bomb early Wednesday and that another soldier died in southern Baghdad on Tuesday. In his statement, General Caldwell renewed American contentions that Iran was not doing enough to stop weapons from being moved into Iraq from outside. It is unclear from the military’s comments on Wednesday whether it is possible to draw conclusions about how the weapons that the military contends are of Iranian origin might have made their way into a predominantly Sunni area or why Shiite Iran would arm Sunni militants. There are several possibilities, military officials who were not authorized to speak publicly for attribution said privately. One is that they came through Syria, long a transit route for Iranian-made weapons being funneled to the Lebanese Shiite militia Hezbollah. Another possibility is that arms dealers are selling to every side in the conflict. The weapons on the table next to General Caldwell were found two days ago, the general said, after a resident of the predominantly Sunni Arab neighborhood called Jihad, in western Baghdad, informed the local Joint Security Station run by Iraqi and American soldiers that there were illegal arms in the area. The soldiers found a black Mercedes sedan and on its back seat, in plain view, a rocket of a type commonly made in China but repainted and labeled and sold by Iran, said Maj. Marty Weber, a master ordnance technician who joined General Caldwell at the briefing. In the trunk were mortar rounds marked “made in 2006.” In a nearby house and buried in the yard, the soldiers found more mortar rounds, 1,000 to 2,000 rounds of bullets, five hand grenades and a couple of Bulgarian- made rocket-propelled grenades, Major Weber said. The weapons that the military officials said were of Iranian origin were labeled in English, which Major Weber said was typical of arms manufactured for international sale. He added that the military knew that they were of Iranian origin by “the structure of the rounds, the geometry of the tailfins and, again, the stenciling on the warheads.” He also said the mortar rounds marked 81 millimeters on the table were made regionally only by Iran. In the political arena, the members of Parliament allied with the militant Shiite cleric Moktada al-Sadr announced that they would leave the government unless Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki set a fixed timetable for the withdrawal of American troops from Iraq. Mr. Maliki rejected the idea this week. The capital was largely quiet on Wednesday, but 16 bodies were found around the city and a director general of the city’s electricity ministry was assassinated, an Interior Ministry official said. The center of the city, where fighting raged on Tuesday, remained extremely tense. The United States military raised the death toll from Tuesday’s estimate to 14 insurgents in Fadhil killed, 8 detained and 12 wounded. Sheik Jasim Yehiya Jasim, the imam of Al Joba mosque, whose brother was killed by the Iraqi Army, said he was devastated and confused about why his brother had been singled out and killed. “He was born only in 1982,” Sheik Jasim said. “He did the call to prayer. I thank the Iraqi and American governments in the name of the people of Fadhil for this bloody democracy.” Khalid al-Ansary contributed reporting. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 8) About Creation, Pope Melds Faith With Science By IAN FISHER April 12, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/world/europe/12pope.html ROME, April 11 — Science cannot fully explain the mystery of creation, Pope Benedict XVI said in comments about evolution that were published in a book on Wednesday. At the same time, he did not reject evolutionary theory or endorse any alternative for the origins of life. “I would not depend on faith alone to explain the whole picture,” Benedict, a former theology professor, told his former students in September at a private seminar outside Rome on evolution, according to an account of the book from Reuters. As pope, Benedict has not publicly defined his position, amid angry debates in the United States over “intelligent design” and questions raised two years ago by a leading cardinal on whether evolution was compatible with Catholicism. But his comments at the seminar, published in German by students who were present, seemed largely to avoid any such debate: Rather, they seemed consistent with his often-stated views on other subjects — that science and reason, however valuable, should not rule out God. The debate over evolution, he said, concerned “the great fundamental questions of philosophy: where man and the world came from and where they are going.” The book, called “Creation and Evolution,” was not publicly available on Wednesday, and Reuters did not say how it had obtained a copy. Apart from the pope’s comments, the book includes essays from Cardinal Christoph Schönborn, a former student of the pope who set off much debate in 2005 after seeming to raise doubts about evolution. As Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, before he became pope two years ago, Benedict had expressed concern that on several fronts, including evolution, science was overstepping its competence, denying the existence of God and becoming its own system of belief. Though he did not reject evolution, he noted in the remarks quoted from the book that science could not completely prove evolution because it could not be duplicated in the laboratory. But, Reuters reported, he also defended what is known as theistic evolution, the idea that God could use evolutionary processes to create life, if not through the direct engineering suggested by “intelligent design,” which posits that life is so complex that it requires an active creator. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 9) Life in Iraq Worsening, Red Cross Says By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS April 12, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/world/middleeast/12redcross.html GENEVA, April 11 — The situation for civilians in Iraq is “ever worsening,” though security in some places has improved because of stepped-up efforts by the American-led multinational forces, the International Red Cross said Wednesday. Thousands of bodies lie unclaimed in mortuaries, with relatives either unaware that they are there or afraid to recover them, said Pierre Kraehenbuehl, director of operations for the International Committee of the Red Cross. Medical professionals have been fleeing the country after the killings and abductions of colleagues, the group said. “Whatever operation that is today under way, and that may be taken tomorrow and in the weeks after, to improve the security of civilians on the ground may have an effect in the medium term,” Mr. Kraehenbuehl said. “We’re certainly not seeing an immediate effect in terms of stabilization for civilians currently. That is not our reading.” Referring to southern Iraq, he said, “It is clear that the security situation has improved in certain instances.” But the central region, including Baghdad, remains greatly troubled, despite new security efforts, he added. The Red Cross has reduced operations in Iraq since attacks on its staff and Baghdad headquarters in 2003. It relies on an affiliate for much of its information. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 10) 4 Years On, the Gap Between Iraq Policy and Practice Is Wide By DAVID E. SANGER April 12, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/world/middleeast/12policy.html WASHINGTON, April 11 — Four years after the fall of Baghdad, the White House is once again struggling to solve an old problem: Who is in charge of carrying out policy in Iraq? Once again President Bush and his top aides are searching for a high-level coordinator capable of cutting through military, political and reconstruction strategies that have never operated in sync, in Washington or in Baghdad. Once again Mr. Bush is publicly declaring that his administration has settled on a strategy for victory — this time, a troop increase that is supposed to open political space for Sunnis and Shiites to live and govern together — even while his top aides acknowledge that the White House has never gotten the execution right. “We’re trying to learn from our experience,” Stephen J. Hadley, the national security adviser, said in an interview on Wednesday. Confirming a report that first appeared in The Washington Post, Mr. Hadley said he had been sounding out retired military commanders to assess their interest in a job where they would report directly to President Bush. “One of the things that we’ve heard from Republicans and Democrats is that we need to go a step further in Washington and have a single point of focus, someone who can work 24/7 on the Washington end of executing the strategy we’ve put in place for the next 22 months,” to the end of Mr. Bush’s term. Mr. Hadley came to his job in the beginning of 2005, after four years as deputy national security adviser, and said from the outset that the Achilles’ heel of the administration had been its failure to execute its policies. Now, Mr. Hadley said, he had decided that “while we’ve had plans and due dates and stoplight charts, what we need is someone with a lot of stature within the government who can make things happen.” That official, Mr. Hadley said, would deal daily with the new American ambassador in Iraq, Ryan C. Crocker, and the new commander, Gen. David H. Petraeus, and then “call any cabinet secretary and get problems resolved, fast.” Mr. Hadley says he has not yet brought top candidates into the White House for formal interviews. But what he is seeking is someone willing to take on, at the end of a war-weary administration, one of the most thankless jobs in Washington: overseeing policy in Iraq and Afghanistan, where the administration has discovered that changing regimes was a lot easier than changing habits. It is telling that Mr. Hadley and Mr. Bush are still wrestling with this problem. Four years ago, both had hoped and expected that by 2007, Iraq would essentially be a cleanup operation, involving a comparatively small American force. Instead, the current force of 145,000 is building to 160,000. For both men, deciding who in Washington should take the reins on Iraq strategy is hardly a new task. It was in August 2003, five months after the American invasion, that Mr. Bush ordered the formation of an Iraq Stabilization Group to run things from the White House. That action reflected the first recognition by the White House that Donald H. Rumsfeld’s Pentagon was more interested in deposing dictators than nation-building. When that group was formed, Mr. Rumsfeld snapped that it was about time that the National Security Council performed its traditional job — unifying the actions of a government whose agencies often spent much of their day battling one another. That approach worked, for a while. But then the insurgency in Iraq grew formidable, reconstruction efforts were slowed, the State and Defense Departments reverted to bureaucratic spats, and the White House never managed to get its arms around the scope of the problem, in Baghdad or in Washington. That was evident earlier this year when Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and the new defense secretary, Robert M. Gates, openly clashed on the question of who would provide the personnel for new Provincial Reconstruction Teams that were charged with trying, once again, to rebuild Iraq. But that was only a small part of the problem: When the Iraq Study Group turned out its recommendations in December for revamping strategy, it cited “a lack of coordination by senior management in Washington,” declaring that “focus, priority setting, and skillful implementation are in short supply.” Mr. Hadley’s initiative won support on Wednesday from Mr. Gates, who has spent much of the past four months demonstrating that he is the anti-Rumsfeld. At a news conference, Mr. Gates offered a public endorsement for the idea of empowering someone at the White House to better carry out the president’s priorities. “This person is not ‘running the war,’ ” Mr. Gates said. “This ‘czar’ term is, I think, kind of silly.” Instead, he said, “this is what Steve Hadley would do if Steve Hadley had the time, but he doesn’t have the time to do it full time.” Part of the new job is to make sure, in Mr. Gates’s words, that when Ambassador Crocker or General Petraeus “have requested something from the government and not gotten it, or it’s moving too slowly through the bureaucracy, that there is somebody empowered by the president to call a cabinet secretary and say, ‘The president would like to know why you haven’t delivered what’s been asked for yet.’ ” As David J. Rothkopf, who wrote a history of the National Security Council titled “Running the World” (Public Affairs, 2005), noted Wednesday, “It’s been a difficult thing for the N.S.C. to do because it is an almost impossible task.” “This is a problem of Sunnis and Shiites, and it is not about Republicans and Democrats or the rank of officials or bureaucratic rivalry,” he said. “The Sunnis started fighting the Shiites a thousand years before we got to Plymouth Rock, and it’s hard to create a new special implementer to deal with that.” But by this point in the Bush administration, officials say, their only hope is to take the surge and run with it. So when Meghan L. O’Sullivan, a deputy national security adviser for Iraq and Afghanistan, told Mr. Hadley a few months ago that she was ready to leave, the White House seized the moment to open a post nearly equivalent in power to Mr. Hadley’s own job. For a White House that invaded Iraq with hopes that it would become a model for the Middle East, this seems to be another step away from ideological missions and toward the nuts and bolts of rescuing its troubled nation-building experiment. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 11) Panel on Walter Reed Woes Issues Strong Rebuke By SCOTT SHANE April 12, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/washington/12medical.html?ref=us WASHINGTON, April 11 — An independent panel assessing dilapidated facilities and red tape for wounded Iraq war veterans at Walter Reed Army Medical Center on Wednesday issued a sweeping indictment of leadership failures, inadequate training and staffing shortages. The panel, headed by two former secretaries of the Army, Togo D. West Jr. and John O. Marsh Jr., found that a high standard of care for troops when they were first evacuated from war zones and hospitalized fell apart when they became outpatients, with a “breakdown in health services” and “compassion fatigue” on the part of overworked staff members. “Leadership at Walter Reed should have been aware of poor living conditions and administrative hurdles and failed to place proper priority on solutions,” the panel said in a summary of its draft report released at a meeting at Walter Reed. The report called the current system for assessing soldiers’ disabilities “extremely cumbersome, inconsistent, and confusing,” saying it must be “completely overhauled.” It called for the creation of a “center of excellence” on treatment, training and research on two conditions suffered by thousands of troops in Iraq: traumatic brain injury and post- traumatic stress disorder. The panel, called the Independent Review Group, was appointed by Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates in February after The Washington Post reported on the problems at Walter Reed, the Army’s century-old medical center in Washington. A presidential commission and a Department of Veterans Affairs task force are also assessing the troubles. The conditions at Walter Reed, including moldy, rat- infested quarters and a bureaucratic maze that left severely injured soldiers in limbo for months, have become a symbol of the government’s broader failure to help troops injured in Iraq and Afghanistan. President Bush visited patients at the facility March 30 and said, “I apologize for what they went through, and we’re going to fix the problem.” A spokeswoman for Mr. Gates, Cynthia O. Smith, said Wednesday that he “welcomes the findings and believes our wounded warriors deserve the best treatment possible both as inpatients and outpatients.” The initial reports in February led to a shake-up of Army leadership. Army Secretary Francis J. Harvey fired Walter Reed’s commander, Maj. Gen. George Weightman, and replaced him with Lt. Gen. Kevin Kiley, the Army surgeon general. But critics said General Kiley had been told about the problems and failed to act. Mr. Gates then publicly criticized the Army’s response as inadequate, and both Mr. Harvey and General Kiley stepped down. Since then, the Army has moved aggressively to make improvements at Walter Reed. Patients have been moved out of the most squalid building. Some 28 new case managers have been added to help wounded soldiers navigate the medical system. A telephone hot line has been opened and information handbooks have been distributed to families of wounded service members. In remarks at Wednesday’s meeting, Mr. West, a former military lawyer who served as both secretary of the Army and secretary of veterans affairs under President Bill Clinton, strongly criticized the tortuous bureaucracy that assesses soldiers’ disabilities. “The horrors inflicted on our wounded service members and their families in the name of the physical disability review process simply must be stopped,” Mr. West said. He said the Army’s system currently requires four proceedings before an official board, causing delays and excessive paperwork and producing “inexplicable differences in standards and results.” “We can and must do better,” he said. Mr. West also said the panel concluded there was inadequate understanding of how to diagnose and treat the brain injuries that have become a signature of the Iraq war, where thousands of troops have been wounded by improvised explosive devices, and the mental effects of long exposure to the constant threat of attack. “We believe there is a need for greater and better coordinated research in this area,” he said. Under legislation introduced Wednesday by Senators Evan Bayh of Indiana and Hillary Rodham Clinton of New York, both Democrats, troops suffering from traumatic brain injuries would be kept on active duty, rather than being retired, so they would receive more medical attention. Steve Robinson, a longtime veterans’ advocate with Veterans for America, said he welcomed the findings of the review panel. But he said the panel should address the problems of discharged soldiers who were not getting V.A. benefits they needed. “What are we going to do about the thousands of people who have unjustifiably lost their V.A. benefits forever?” Mr. Robinson said. “It’s not enough just to fix the problems starting from the point that President Bush went to Walter Reed.” *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 12) As His Time Grows Short, a Dog Seeks a Reprieve By PAUL VITELLO April 12, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/nyregion/12dog.html BAY SHORE, N.Y., April 11 — In legal papers filed on Wednesday in the Appellate Division of State Supreme Court, the conflicting portraits of the prisoner seem to describe two different individuals. He is a vicious predator with a history of assault. Or, he is the kind who would not even show his teeth if you pulled his ears. After three and a half years on doggie death row, Duke, a 5-year-old American pit bull terrier, is the subject of an unusual, last-ditch appeal of a judge’s “order of destruction” over his attacks on a neighbor dog twice in two months in 2003. His lawyer contends that Duke was wrongly convicted and harshly sentenced, based on a law that took effect on Jan. 1, 2004, two weeks after the attack, making dog-on-dog attacks subject to serious punishment. Before that, only dogs attacking humans were punished severely. “We are running out of options,” said the lawyer, Amy Chaitoff. “And it would be a terrible injustice.” Duke’s case has drawn considerable attention on Long Island. Dog rescue organizations staged a demonstration at Islip Town Hall in 2005, demanding that he be freed. And during a 2006 hearing, a crowd of about 60 gathered outside the courthouse to show solidarity with Duke’s owners, Denise and Chanse Menendez of Hauppauge. But if the judges of the state Appellate Division in Brooklyn rule against him this time, Duke, who has been confined to the last cage on the east tier of Kennel No. 1 at the Town of Islip Animal Shelter here since Dec. 26, 2003, will probably soon eat his last biscuit. (His cage is adjacent to the small room where workers administer lethal injections to a dozen or so animals each week.) In some ways, legal experts say, Duke represents a new class of death-row dog. New York is among a dozen states that have changed laws over the past 10 years to make it possible to seize dogs from their owners and order them euthanized for biting other dogs. Ledy VanKavage, director of legislation for the American Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals, said the stricter provisions reflected several factors: the rising numbers of pet dogs in American households, a growing concern about highly publicized vicious dog cases, and what she called the “evolving human- animal bond.” “The thinking goes: ‘My dog is a member of my family. If you attack my dog, you are attacking my family,’ ” she said. But Ms. VanKavage said this was flawed logic, noting, “Dogs are predators, after all.” The opposing view is in the papers filed on behalf of Duke’s former neighbor, Dominick Motta, who testified that on Oct. 23, 2003, Duke and his pit bull sister, Shelby, chased Mr. Motta’s bulldog, Daisy, and that Duke bit her. After a hearing, Duke was designated a “dangerous dog” by District Court Judge Madeleine A. Fitzgibbon of Suffolk County. His owners were ordered to keep him indoors or in a specially built kennel outdoors. When Duke got loose on Dec. 13, 2003, and again chased and bit Daisy, Mr. Motta, who then had three children ages 2 to 7, filed a follow-up complaint, which resulted in Judge Fitzgibbon’s order of destruction. “My client did not order the dog euthanized, a judge did,” Mr. Motta’s lawyer, John L. Belford Jr. of St. James, said in an interview. “And the judge’s decision was not designed to protect my client alone.” If Duke shares with some human death row residents the kind of mysterious personality that can look darkly dangerous to some and intriguing to others, he also shares what seems like the equanimity of one who is at peace with himself. “Watch this, I’m going to do some things that no aggressive dog would tolerate,” said Jeff Kolbjornsen, an animal behaviorist who attended the rallies on Duke’s behalf, on a visit to the shelter the other day. He clamped a hand over the dog’s mouth. He pushed him. He stepped on his paw, lightly. He gently slapped the dog’s head. Duke — whose skull is about the size of a baby watermelon, whose neck is roughly as thick as a man’s thigh, and whose mouth is ear to ear — sat on his hind legs, panting, his tongue extended just past the widest part of his wide chest. He nudged and then licked Mr. Kolbjornsen’s hand. “This is the nicest, calmest dog I have ever worked with, and I’ve been here seven years,” said Joanne Daly, an attendant at the shelter. In the brief filed with the court on Wednesday by Ms. Chaitoff, the lawyer for Duke’s owners, affidavits from Ms. Daly and from Matt Caracciolo, the shelter supervisor, were included praising the dog’s unflappable and friendly nature. But the main thrust of her argument is that the law under which he was prosecuted, Section 108 of the state’s Agriculture and Markets Law, which defines “a dangerous dog,” changed from the time of the attacks to the time of his trial. In 2003, the law defined a dangerous dog as one who attacks a person or attacks certain types of service animals, like Seeing Eye dogs. It was in 2004 that the law was expanded to include “companion animals,” pets like Mr. Motta’s Daisy. Therefore, Ms. Chaitoff said, in the eyes of the law, as well as his friends, “Duke is an innocent dog.” *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 13) The Blinded Leading the Blind A Jones for Justice Connecting the Dots: Law, Slavery, and Immigration By Dr. John Calvin Jones, PhD, JD BC Columnist www.blackcommentator.com/225/225_jones_for_justice_law_slavery_immigration_pf.html I used to teach courses in government and politics at a small college at South College in South Texas (and I mean south – 260 miles south of San Antonio). Though there was to be some sort of check on the competence and baseline knowledge of the faculty, i.e. that they knew something about the subject matter in the courses that they taught, I quickly learned that my colleagues in the department of government were, to put it nicely, limited. While two others even knew of Michael Parenti's Democracy for the Few, most had never heard of an organization called the Project for a New American Century (whose members include Dick Cheney, Jeb Bush, Scooter Libby, Donald Rumsfeld, Paul Wolfowitz, Philip Zelikow, and Zalmay Khalilzad), no one else recognized the ubiquity and debilitating effects of depleted uranium, and all but one other thought that the 13th Amendment outlawed slavery in the United States. The last point was particularly troubling because my colleagues told all their students that the 13 Amendment outlawed slavery in the United States and demanded that the students repeat the lie. Trained Ignorance The collective wisdom of the school's administration and my colleagues had determined that the best way to determine if we instructors were dispensing relevant information (much less teaching) anything apropos, was to employ a uniform set of test questions that we would give to the students taking intro classes in government. Such was to work as a type of validity test whereby each instructor would collect data and report how many students got the "right" answer to various trivia questions in the subject of American and Texas government and politics. Though I protested the entire project in theory, the use of a uniform or department-wide test via a set of multiple choice test questions is the logical extension of the silly, if not criminal, project of standardized testing demanded through programs like No Child Left Behind. Included in this list of about 50 questions was "which amendment banned slavery in the United States?" While the non-reading, so-called instructors claimed that the "correct answer" to the question was the 13th Amendment. (Note, I refer to my former colleagues as "instructors." They were not professors in that only one of them had earned a PhD and apparently he did not like to read anymore than the rest of them). As I had known for about 20 years, after reading the Constitution without a filter (i.e. ignorant, yet licensed teacher), that the 13th Amendment did not outlaw slavery in the United States, I told my esteemed colleagues that that they were mistaken. I explained, by citing the text (a rare practice I have learned), that the Amendment did not outlaw slavery at all, instead, the addition codifies when slavery is legal. For those of you who care to read and (re)learn, please note that the 13th Amendment reads as follows: Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. (Italics added). To put it more simply, in the United States, slavery and or involuntary servitude is legal, when compelled as punishment for a crime. Though I demonstrated this plain language to my fellow legal scholars, and added the need to demonstrate to our students both the political and legal ramifications of the 13th Amendment and how such is relevant today, I was met with criticism about my being too hard, and trying to push esoteric knowledge or being too ideological. While I did not and do not mind others being in disagreement with me, the fact that these people are paid by the state to preach a lie is criminal. More importantly, because these elders are "teaching" youth, there are particular negative social ramifications for such pedagogy. What shall the victims of ignorance and mendacity, and nearly all these young people are Mexican-American, do or think when faced with a newspaper story of so-called immigrant labor shortages and the use of prison labor (including imprisoned immigrants) to harvest crops in Colorado? Without a recognition that slavery is legal, has been and is maintained throughout American history, how can our children make sense of a small news story and see that the larger picture that touches on immigration law, labor rights, outsourcing, and racism? Colorado Works Its Slaves According to Nicholas Riccardi, because of state laws and crack downs on Mexican and Latino migrant laborers in Colorado, various farms there are facing a labor shortage – crops will be lost unless harvested.[1] And while economic theorists might see the resulting shortage of exploitable labor as a good thing for youth and underemployed Americans who might fill the void, Agribusiness and prison officials in Colorado have a better idea – prison labor. Riccardi finds that the Colorado Department of Corrections is launching a pilot program, contracting with more than a dozen farms to provide inmates to pick melons, onions and peppers. (Note the program is only new to Colorado, chain gangs and forced slave labor in agriculture is nothing new in America). Though she and colleagues in the Colorado legislature empowered local police to engage in Nazi-style stop and "check for papers" harassment leading to the arrest of thousands of migrants, now Colorado Legislator Dorothy Butcher wants to force prisoners to pick peppers for pennies "to make sure the agricultural industry wouldn't go out of business." Ironically, under the Colorado prison-crop picker plan, farms will pay more for inmate labor than they pay for undocumented migrants. According to Riccardi, the prisoners will be paid [sic] (i.e. credited, apparently Mr. Riccardi has never been in prison) with 60 cents a day. And it is unlikely that individual prisoners will refuse. Firstly, while the program will employ perhaps as many as 700 prisoners, Colorado has over 22,000 prisoners with "agricultural experience". Secondly and more importantly, prison overseers can use a combination of punishments and inducements to encourage their participation. Where to begin? The federal government sells fewer than 200 visas for farm laborers every year. Colorado arrests undocumented immigrant laborers – who cannot obtain necessary documents. Prisoners forced to work. "Prisoners" are paid more than migrant farm workers. Migrant field workers in Colorado earn less than 60 cents a day. The cost to hold someone in jail or prison costs the taxpayers anywhere from $30-75 per day! The prospect of prison wardens harvesting the labor of their inmates is akin to Wal-Mart managers forcing "associates" to work off the clock or walk home. All Politics are Local, National and International Without any plan for his presidency, other than enrichment of his friends, murder of millions, and praying for Armageddon prior to November 2008, Bush is now turning attention from Iraq and Iran to the US-Mexican border. Once again, speaking with Bushisms and contradictions, W. announced a need for guest- worker programs all the while calling for security to "fight terrorism".[2] To quote Keith Olbermann, Bush's words are lies. Rather than provide for the orderly and legal entry of thousands who come here to work, Bush orders or allows his deputies in the Nazi-like Department of Homeland Security (Hitler called it the Reichssicherheitshauptamt) to round up thousands (including women and children). These people who are denied legal admission to the U.S., are arrested at work and their children nabbed at school in the name of "a war on terror" or a policy of "law and order" that is simply insane (part of a White Supremacist megalomania), economically inefficient, and horribly cruel. How long will it be until thousands of detained immigrants are farmed out in slave-labor camps? That is how the Nazis took care of their inferior populations, isn't it? This week, as he has done for the past months, a Texan- Activist, Jay Johnson-Castro, will be walking to Austin to protest the imprisonment of hundreds of immigrants in a system of private prisons across the state. Bush could order the release of these people … but instead, corporate interests in the private prison industry and the Christo-fascist wing of the Republic party demand militarization of the border and mass incarceration. The entire system is immoral, but legal – as international treaties and international laws to the contrary have no force inside the United States. Millions of us are beginning to learn the truth about this system of slave labor and the immigration traps. How many of us need to act out to stop it? Sources: [1] Riccardi, Nicholas 2007. "Colorado to Use Inmates to Fill Migrant Shortage", Los Angeles Times, 1 March. Posted at Truth Out http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/030107F.shtml [2] Daily News & Analysis. "Bush renews call for comprehensive immigration reforms", Wednesday, April 11, 2007. http://www.dnaindia.com/report.asp?NewsID=1090197 BC Columnist Dr John Calvin Jones, PhD, JD has a law degree and a PhD in Political Science. His Website is virtualcitizens.com. Click here to contact Dr. Jones. jcjones@virtualcitizens.com *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 14) REFLECTIONS OF PRESIDENT FIDEL CASTRO "More than three billion people in the world condemned to premature death from hunger and thirst." March 28, 2007 Fidel Castro. Translated by Granma International [This email was sent as a service by Roland Sheppard. My website is http://web.mac.com/rolandgarret . Read my book, The View From The Painter's Ladder available at Amazon.com] "More than three billion people in the world condemned to premature death from hunger and thirst." THAT is not an exaggerated figure, but rather a cautious one. I have meditated a lot on that in the wake of President Bush’s meeting with U.S. automobile manufacturers. The sinister idea of converting food into fuel was definitively established as an economic line in U.S. foreign policy last Monday, March 26. A cable from the AP, the U.S. news agency that reaches all corners of the world, states verbatim: "WASHINGTON, March 26 (AP). President Bush touted the benefits of ‘flexible fuel’ vehicles running on ethanol and biodiesel on Monday, meeting with automakers to boost support for his energy plans. "Bush said a commitment by the leaders of the domestic auto industry to double their production of flex-fuel vehicles could help motorists shift away from gasoline and reduce the nation's reliance on imported oil. '"That's a major technological breakthrough for the country,' Bush said after inspecting three alternative vehicles. If the nation wants to reduce gasoline use, he said “the consumer has got to be in a position to make a rational choice.” "The president urged Congress to 'move expeditiously' on legislation the administration recently proposed to require the use of 35 billion gallons of alternative fuels by 2017 and seek higher fuel economy standards for automobiles. "Bush met with General Motors Corp. chairman and chief executive Rick Wagoner, Ford Motor Co. chief executive Alan Mulally and DaimlerChrysler AG's Chrysler Group chief executive Tom LaSorda. "They discussed support for flex-fuel vehicles, attempts to develop ethanol from alternative sources like switchgrass and wood chips and the administration's proposal to reduce gas consumption by 20 percent in 10 years. "The discussions came amid rising gasoline prices. The latest Lundberg Survey found the nationwide average for gasoline has risen 6 cents per gallon in the past two weeks to $2.61." I believe that reducing and moreover recycling all motors that run on electricity and fuel is an elemental and urgent need for all humanity. The tragedy does not lie in reducing those energy costs but in the idea of converting food into fuel. It is known very precisely today that one ton of corn can only produce 413 liters of ethanol on average, according to densities. That is equivalent to 109 gallons. The average price of corn in U.S. ports has risen to $167 per ton. Thus, 320 million tons of corn would be required to produce 35 billion gallons of ethanol. According to FAO figures, the U.S. corn harvest rose to 280.2 million tons in the year 2005. Although the president is talking of producing fuel derived from grass or wood shavings, anyone can understand that these are phrases totally lacking in realism. Let’s be clear: 35 billion gallons translates into 35 followed by nine zeros! Afterwards will come beautiful examples of what experienced and well-organized U.S. farmers can achieve in terms of human productivity by hectare: corn converted into ethanol; the chaff from that corn converted into animal feed containing 26% protein; cattle dung used as raw material for gas production. Of course, this is after voluminous investments only within the reach of the most powerful enterprises, in which everything has to be moved on the basis of electricity and fuel consumption. Apply that recipe to the countries of the Third World and you will see that people among the hungry masses of the Earth will no longer eat corn. Or something worse: lend funding to poor countries to produce corn ethanol based on corn or any other food and not a single tree will be left to defend humanity from climate change. Other countries in the rich world are planning to use not only corn but also wheat, sunflower seeds, Rapeseed and other foods for fuel production. For the Europeans, for example, it would become a business to import all of the world’s soybeans with the aim of reducing the fuel costs for their automobiles and feeding their animals with the chaff from that legume, particularly rich in all types of essential amino acids. In Cuba, alcohol used to be produced as a byproduct of the sugar industry after having made three extractions of sugar from cane juice. Climate change is already affecting our sugar production. Lengthy periods of drought alternating with record rainfall, that barely make it possible to produce sugar with an adequate yield during the 100 days of our very moderate winter; hence, there Is less sugar per ton of cane or less cane per hectare due to prolonged drought in the months of planting and cultivation. I understand that in Venezuela they would be using alcohol not for export but to improve the environmental quality of their own fuel. For that reason, apart from the excellent Brazilian technology for producing alcohol, in Cuba the use of such a technology for the direct production of alcohol from sugar cane juice is no more than a dream or the whim of those carried away by that idea. In our country, land handed over to the direct production of alcohol could be much useful for food production for the people and for environmental protection. All the countries of the world, rich and poor, without any exception, could save millions and millions of dollars in investment and fuel simply by changing all the incandescent light bulbs for fluorescent ones, an exercise that Cuba has carried out in all homes throughout the country. That would provide a breathing space to resist climate change without killing the poor masses through hunger. As can be observed, I am not using adjectives to qualify the system and the lords of the earth. That task can be excellently undertaken by news experts and honest social, economic and political scientists abounding in the world who are constantly delving into to the present and future of our species. A computer and the growing number of Internet networks are sufficient for that. Today, we are seeing for the first time a really globalized economy and a dominant power in the economic, political and military terrain that in no way resembles that of Imperial Rome. Some people will be asking themselves why I am talking of hunger and thirst. My response to that: it is not about the other side of the coin, but about several sides of something else, like a die with six sides, or a polyhedron with many more sides. I refer in this case to an official news agency, founded in 1945 and generally well-informed about economic and social questions in the world: TELAM. It said, and I quote: " In just 18 years, close to 2 billion people will be living in countries and regions where water will be a distant memory. Two-thirds of the world’s population could be living in places where that scarcity produces social and economic tensions of such a magnitude that it could lead nations to wars for the precious 'blue gold.' "Over the last 100 years, the use of water has increased at a rate twice as fast as that of population growth. "According to statistics from the World Water Council, it is estimated that by 2015, the number of inhabitants affected by this grave situation will rise by 3.5 billion people. " The United Nations celebrated World Water Day on March 23, and called to begin confronting, that very day, the international scarcity of water, under the coordination of the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), with the goal of highlighting the increasing importance of water scarcity on a global scale, and the need for greater integration and cooperation that would make it possible to guarantee sustained and efficient management of water resources. "Many regions on the planet are suffering from severe water shortages, living with less than 500 cubic meters per person per year. The number of regions suffering from chronic scarcity of this vital element is increasingly growing. "The principal consequences of water scarcity are an insufficient amount of the precious liquid for producing food, the impossibility of industrial, urban and tourism development and health problems." That was the TELEAM cable. In this case I will refrain from mentioning other important facts, like the melting ice in Greenland and the Antarctic, damage to the ozone layer and the growing volume of mercury in many species of fish for common consumption. There are other issues that could be addressed, but with these lines I am just trying to comment on President Bush's meeting with the principal executives of U.S. automakers. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* LINKS AND VERY SHORT STORIES *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* The New Suburban Poverty by EYAL PRESS [from the April 23, 2007 issue] http://www.thenation.com/docprint.mhtml?i=20070423&s=press Canadian Auto Workers occupy parts plant in Scarborough, Ontario By Julian Benson from Toronto Thursday, 12 April 2007 http://www.marxist.com/canadian-auto-workers-occupation110407.htm U.S. Is Extending Tours of Army By DAVID S. CLOUD April 12, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/world/middleeast/12military.html Kurt Vonnegut, Counterculture’s Novelist, Dies By DINITIA SMITH April 12, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/12/books/12vonnegut.html?hp Robert Fisk: Divide and rule - America's plan for Baghdad "Revealed: a new counter-insurgency strategy to carve up the city into sealed areas. The tactic failed in Vietnam. So what chance does it have in Iraq?" http://news.independent.co.uk/world/fisk/article2439530.ece Published: 11 April 2007 Refugees Speak of Escape from Hell Inter Press Service Dahr Jamail "DAMASCUS, Apr 11 (IPS) - Refugees from Iraq scattered around Damascus describe hellish conditions in the country they managed to leave behind." April 11, 2007 http://www.dahrjamailiraq.com/hard_news/archives/syria/000565.php#more Manhattan: Leash-Free Dogs at Night in City Parks By TIMOTHY WILLIAMS The Parks and Recreation Department announced yesterday that a policy of allowing dogs off leashes during overnight hours will become effective next month. Beginning May 10, owners with a license and proof of a current rabies vaccination will be permitted to let their dogs roam in designated areas of city parks from 9 p.m. to 9 a.m. Under an unofficial policy, the department has for years not given tickets to dog owners who let their pets run free at night in parks. April 11, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/11/nyregion/11mbrfs-dogs.html How Trees Might Not Be Green in Carbon Offsetting Debate http://www.commondreams.org/archive/2007/04/10/443/ There is climate change censorship - and it's the deniers who dish it out "Global warming scientists are under intense pressure to water down findings, and are then accused of silencing their critics." George Monbiot Tuesday April 10, 2007 The Guardian http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/story/0,,2053521,00.html American Tortured in Iraq Sues Rumsfeld http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/040907J.shtml And These Refugees Are Lucky http://www.dahrjamailiraq.com/hard_news/archives/syria/000561.php#more Bush Renews Effort on Immigration Plan By DAVID STOUT April 9, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/washington/09cnd-prexy.html?hp Ranchers and Army Are at Odds in Old West By DAN FROSCH "DENVER, April 6 — Mack Louden worries that his 30,000-acre ranch sits in the cross hairs of the Army’s plans to expand its Piñon Canyon Maneuver Site at Fort Carson, and he, along with other Colorado ranchers, are increasingly upset about the idea. 'Where we live, how we live, it’s all going to die a slow death if the Army gets our land,' said Mr. Louden, a fourth- generation rancher from Las Animas County, along the southern edge of the state." April 9, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/us/09hearing.html?ref=washington Big Coal Invokes Reverse Nuremberg Defense Massey Energy's CEO: Just Giving Orders, Not Carrying Them Out By CORPORATE CRIME REPORTER April 9, 2007 http://www.counterpunch.com/ccr04092007.html The political situation in Venezuela – interview with Yonie Moreno, member of the CMR in Venezuela By Yonnie Moreno Monday, 09 April 2007 www.handsoffvenezuela.org/political_situation_venezuela_moreno.htm FOCUS | US Warplanes Attack Shiites as Civil War Rages in Iraq http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/040807Z.shtml FOCUS | Thousands in LA Demand Immigrant Rights http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/040807Y.shtml Pesticides Linked to Honeybee Population Decline http://www.organicconsumers.org/articles/article_4279.cfm Executive Pay: A Special Report More Pieces. Still a Puzzle. By ERIC DASH April 8, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/business/yourmoney/08pay.html?ref=business *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* GENERAL ANNOUNCEMENTS AND INFORMATION *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* DEMAND THE RELEASE OF SAMI AL-ARIAN The National Council of Arab Americans (NCA) demands the immediate release of political prisoner, Dr. Sami Al-Arian. Although Dr. Al-Arian is no longer on a hunger strike we must still demand he be released by the US Department of Justice (DOJ). After an earlier plea agreement that absolved Dr. Al-Arian from any further questioning, he was sentenced up to 18 months in jail for refusing to testify before a grand jury in Virginia. He has long sense served his time yet Dr. Al-Arian is still being held. Release him now! See: http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=07/03/16/1410255 ACTION: We ask all people of conscience to demand the immediate release and end to Dr. Al- Arian's suffering. Call, Email and Write: 1- Attorney General Alberto Gonzales Department of Justice U.S. Department of Justice 950 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20530-0001 Fax Number: (202) 307-6777 Email: AskDOJ@usdoj.gov 2- The Honorable John Conyers, Jr 2426 Rayburn Building Washington, DC 20515 (202) 225-5126 (202) 225-0072 Fax John.Conyers@mail.house.gov 3- Senator Patrick Leahy 433 Russell Senate Office Building United States Senate Washington, DC 20510 (202)224-4242 senator_leahy@leahy.senate.gov 4- Honorable Judge Gerald Lee U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia 401 Courthouse Square, Alexandria, VA 22314 March 22, 2007 [No email given...bw] National Council of Arab Americans (NCA) http://www.arab-american.net/ Criminalizing Solidarity: Sami Al-Arian and the War of Terror By Charlotte Kates, The Electronic Intifada, 4 April 2007 http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article6767.shtml Related: Robert Fisk: The true story of free speech in America This systematic censorship of Middle East reality continues even in schools Published: 07 April 2007 http://news. independent. co.uk/world/ fisk/article2430 125.ece *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* [For some levity...Hans Groiner plays Monk http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=51bsCRv6kI0 ...bw] Excerpt of interview between Barbara Walters and Hugo Chavez http://www.borev.net/2007/03/what_you_had_something_better.html Which country should we invade next? http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q3g_zqz3VjY My Favorite Mutiny, The Coup http://www.myspace.com/thecoupmusic Michael Moore- The Awful Truth http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xeOaTpYl8mE Morse v. Frederick Supreme Court arguments http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=n_LsGoDWC0o Free Speech 4 Students Rally - Media Montage http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RfCjfod8yuw *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 'My son lived a worthwhile life' In April 2003, 21-year old Tom Hurndall was shot in the head in Gaza by an Israeli soldier as he tried to save the lives of three small children. Nine months later, he died, having never recovered consciousness. Emine Saner talks to his mother Jocelyn about her grief, her fight to make the Israeli army accountable for his death and the book she has written in his memory. Monday March 26, 2007 The Guardian http://www.guardian.co.uk/israel/Story/0,,2042968,00.html *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* Introducing...................the Apple iRack http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=o-KWYYIY4jQ *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* "A War Budget Leaves Every Child Behind." [A T-shirt worn by some teachers at Roosevelt High School in L.A. as part of their campaign to rid the school of military recruiters and JROTC--see Article in Full item number 4, below...bw] *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* THIS IS AN EXCELLENT VIDEO DESTRIBUTED BY U.S. LABOR AGAINST THE WAR (USLAW) FEATURING SPEAKERS AT THE JANUARY 27TH MARCH ON WASHINGTON FOCUSING ON THE DEMAND - BRING THE TROOPS HOME NOW. http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=6935451906479097836&hl=en *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* Defend the Los Angeles Eight! http://www.committee4justice.com/ *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* George Takai responds to Tim Hardaway's homophobic remarks http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kcJoJZIcQW4&eurl_ *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* Iran http://www.lucasgray.com/video/peacetrain.html *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* Another view of the war. A link from Amer Jubran http://d3130.servadmin.com/~leeflash/ *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* Petition: Halt the Blue Angels http://action.globalexchange.org/petition.jsp?petition_KEY=458 http://www.care2.com/c2c/share/detail/289327 *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* A Girl Like Me 7:08 min Youth Documentary Kiri Davis, Director, Reel Works Teen Filmmaking, Producer Winner of the Diversity Award Sponsored by Third Millennium Foundation http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=1091431409617440489 *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* Film/Song about Angola http://www.prisonactivist.org/angola/ *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* "200 million children in the world sleep in the streets today. Not one of them is Cuban." (A sign in Havana) Venceremos View sign at bottom of page at: http://www.cubasolidarity.net/index.html [Thanks to Norma Harrison for sending this...bw] *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE "Cheyenne and Arapaho oral histories hammer history's account of the Sand Creek Massacre" CENTENNIAL, CO -- A new documentary film based on an award-winning documentary short film, "The Sand Creek Massacre", and driven by Southern Cheyenne and Arapaho people who tell their version about what happened during the Sand Creek Massacre via their oral histories, has been released by Olympus Films+, LLC, a Centennial, Colorado film company. "You have done an extraordinary job" said Margie Small, Tobient Entertainment, " on the Colorado PBS episode, the library videos for public schools and libraries, the trailer, etc...and getting the story told and giving honor to those ancestors who had to witness this tragic and brutal attack...film is one of the best ways." "The images shown in the film were selected for native awareness value" said Donald L. Vasicek, award-winning writer/filmmaker, "we also focused on preserving American history on film because tribal elders are dying and taking their oral histories with them. The film shows a non-violent solution to problem-solving and 19th century Colorado history, so it's multi-dimensional in that sense. " Chief Eugene Blackbear, Sr., Cheyenne, who starred as Chief Black Kettle in "The Last of the Dogmen" also starring Tom Berenger and Barbara Hershey and "Dr. Colorado", Tom Noel, University of Colorado history professor, are featured. The trailer can be viewed and the film can be ordered for $24.95 plus $4.95 for shipping and handling at http://www.fullduck.com/node/53. Vasicek's web site, http://www.donvasicek.com, provides detailed information about the Sand Creek Massacre including various still images particularly on the Sand Creek Massacre home page and on the proposal page. Olympus Films+, LLC is dedicated to writing and producing quality products that serve to educate others about the human condition. Contact: Donald L. Vasicek Olympus Films+, LLC 7078 South Fairfax Street Centennial, CO 80122 http://us.imdb.com/Name?Vasicek,+Don http://www.donvasicek.com dvasicek@earthlink.net 303-903-2103 *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* A NEW LOOK AT U.S. RADIOACTIVE WEAPONS Join us in a campaign to expose and stop the use of these illegal weapons http://poisondust.org/ *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* You may enjoy watching these. In struggle Che: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nqcezl9dD2c Leon: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ukkFVV5X0p4 *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* FIGHTBACK! A Collection of Socialist Essays By Sylvia Weinstein http://www.walterlippmann.com/sylvia-weinstein-fightback-intro.html *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* [The Scab "After God had finished the rattlesnake, the toad, and the vampire, he had some awful substance left with which he made a scab." "A scab is a two-legged animal with a corkscrew soul, a water brain, a combination backbone of jelly and glue. Where others have hearts, he carries a tumor of rotten principles." "When a scab comes down the street, men turn their backs and angels weep in heaven, and the devil shuts the gates of hell to keep him out." "No man (or woman) has a right to scab so long as there is a pool of water to drown his carcass in, or a rope long enough to hang his body with. Judas was a gentleman compared with a scab. For betraying his master, he had character enough to hang himself." A scab has not. "Esau sold his birthright for a mess of pottage. Judas sold his Savior for thirty pieces of silver. Benedict Arnold sold his country for a promise of a commision in the british army." The scab sells his birthright, country, his wife, his children and his fellowmen for an unfulfilled promise from his employer. Esau was a traitor to himself; Judas was a traitor to his God; Benedict Arnold was a traitor to his country; a scab is a traitor to his God, his country, his family and his class." Author --- Jack London (1876-1916)...Roland Sheppard http://web.mac.com/rolandgarret] *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* END ALL U.S. AID TO ISRAEL! Stop funding Israel's war against Palestine Complete the form at the website listed below with your information. https://secure2.convio.net/pep/site/Advocacy? JServSessionIdr003=cga2p2o6x1.app2a&cmd=display&page=UserAction&id=177 *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* Sand Creek Massacre "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING DOCUMENTARY SHORT FEATURED AT NATIVE AMERICAN FILM FESTIVAL: http://www.aberdeennews.com/mld/aberdeennews/news/local/16035305.htm (scroll down when you get there]) "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING WRITER/FILMMAKER DONALD L. VASICEK REPORT: http://www.digitalcinemareport.com/sandcreekmassacre.html "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING DOCUMENTARY SHORT FINALIST IN DOCUMENTARY CHANNEL COMPETITION (VIEW HERE): http://www.docupyx.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=28&Itemid=41 VIEW "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING DOCUMENTARY SHORT FILM MOVIE OF THE WEEK FOR FREE HERE: http://twymancreative.com/twymanc.html On November 29, 1864, 700 Colorado troops savagely slaughtered over 450 Cheyenne children, disabled, elders, and women in the southeastern Colorado Territory under its protection. This act became known as the Sand Creek Massacre. This film project ("The Sand Creek Massacre" documentary film project) is an examination of an open wound in the souls of the Cheyenne people as told from their perspective. This project chronicles that horrific 19th century event and its affect on the 21st century struggle for respectful coexistence between white and native plains cultures in the United States of America. Listed below are links on which you can click to get the latest news, products, and view, free, "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" award- winning documentary short. In order to create more native awareness, particularly to save the roots of America's history, please read the following: Some people in America are trying to save the world. Bless them. In the meantime, the roots of America are dying. What happens to a plant when the roots die? The plant dies according to my biology teacher in high school. American's roots are its native people. Many of America's native people are dying from drug and alcohol abuse, poverty, hunger, and disease, which was introduced to them by the Caucasian male. Tribal elders are dying. When they die, their oral histories go with them. Our native's oral histories are the essence of the roots of America, what took place before our ancestors came over to America, what is taking place, and what will be taking place. It is time we replenish America's roots with native awareness, else America continues its decaying, and ultimately, its death. You can help. The 22-MINUTE SAND CREEK MASSACRE DOCUMENTARY PRESENTATION/EDUCATIONAL DVD IS READY FOR PURCHASE! (pass the word about this powerful educational tool to friends, family, schools, parents, teachers, and other related people and organizations to contact me (dvasicek@earthlink.net, 303-903-2103) for information about how they can purchase the DVD and have me come to their children's school to show the film and to interact in a questions and answers discussion about the Sand Creek Massacre. Happy Holidays! Donald L. Vasicek Olympus Films+, LLC http://us.imdb.com/Name?Vasicek,+Don http://www.donvasicek.com dvasicek@earthlink.net 303-903-2103 "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING DOCUMENTARY SHORT FEATURED AT NATIVE AMERICAN FILM FESTIVAL: http://www.aberdeennews.com/mld/aberdeennews/news/local/16035305.htm (scroll down when you get there]) "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING WRITER/FILMMAKER DONALD L. VASICEK REPORT: http://www.digitalcinemareport.com/sandcreekmassacre.html "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING DOCUMENTARY SHORT FINALIST IN DOCUMENTARY CHANNEL COMPETITION (VIEW HERE): http://www.docupyx.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=28&Itemid=41 VIEW "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING DOCUMENTARY SHORT FILM MOVIE OF THE WEEK FOR FREE HERE: http://twymancreative.com/twymanc.html SHOP: http://www.manataka.org/page633.html BuyIndies.com donvasicek.com.
Wednesday, April 11, 2007
BAUAW NEWSLETTER - WEDNESDAY, APRIL 11, 2007
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*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* Tell Bush and Congress: Don't Release Luis Posada Carriles! Extradite Posada to Venezuela https://secure2.convio.net/pep/site/Advocacy?JServSessionIdr006=238mdc75w3.app8a&cmd=display&page=UserAction&id=159 *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* ARTICLES IN FULL: *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 1) All That You Can Be Risk Management by Lauren Collins April 9, 2007 http://www.newyorker.com/talk/2007/04/09/070409ta_talk_collins 2) No hope in Guantánamo BY JOSHUA COLANGELO-BRYAN MIAMI HERALD Apr. 05, 2007 http://www.miamiherald.com/851/v-print/story/64032.html 3) WE'VE BEEN SURGING FOR YEARS By Don Monkerud TomPaine.com April 6, 2007 http://www.tompaine.com/articles/2007/04/06/weve_been_surging_for_years.php 4) Permanent drought predicted for Southwest "Study says global warming threatens to create a Dust Bowl-like period. Water politics could also get heated." By Alan Zarembo and Bettina Boxall Times Staff Writers April 6, 2007 http://www.latimes.com/news/science/la-sci-swdrought6apr06,0,122112.story?coll=la-home-headlines 5) Democrats at War WALL STREET JOURNAL EDITORIAL April 6, 2007; Page A10 [Via Email from: Walter Lippmann walterlx@earthlink.net ...bw] 6) Ford Pays Chief $28 Million for 4 Months’ Work By NICK BUNKLEY April 6, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/06/business/06ford.html?ref=businessspecial 7) Comcast Chief Executive Receives $26 Million By GERALDINE FABRIKANT March 30, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/30/business/businessspecial/30comcast.pay.html?ex=1176091200&en=a355f91bce1d207c&ei=5070 8) No Bonuses for Top G.M. Executives By NICK BUNKLEY March 29, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/29/business/businessspecial/29gmpay.html?ex=1176091200&en=b3bcb33a8bceaa23&ei=5070 9) Cuban jet bombing suspect ordered free on bail in U.S. "Venezuela and Cuba want Luis Posada Carriles in a 1976 plane bombing that killed 73. But in this country, the former CIA operative is charged with lying to immigration officials." By Carol J. Williams Times Staff Writer April 7, 2007 http://www.latimes.com/news/printedition/asection/la-na-posada7apr07,1,7020766.story?coll=la-news-a_section 10) City asks court to quit Abu-Jamal case By MARYCLAIRE DALE, Associated Press Writer1 April 6, 2007 http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20070406/ap_on_re_us/mumia_abu_jamal 11) Hot and Cold Editorial April 8,2006 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/opinion/08sun1.html?hp 12) Doctor’s Index Predicts Fate for Migrants in the Desert "...more than 100 adult male immigrants had died of heatstroke annually in Pima County." By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS April 8, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/us/08immig.html 13) Trail of Tears By ELIZABETH ROYTE (RE: THE LONG EXILE A Tale of Inuit Betrayal and Survival in the High Arctic. By Melanie McGrath. 268 pp. Alfred A. Knopf. $24.95.) http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/books/review/Royte.t.html?_r=1&adxnnl=1&oref=slogin&adxnnlx=1176050987-kCJ3ZpwQ2uOi7Yadi5MjcA 14) Sociable Darwinism By NATALIE ANGIER April 8, 2007 (RE:EVOLUTION FOR EVERYONE How Darwin’s Theory Can Change the Way We Think About Our Lives. By David Sloan Wilson. 390 pp. Delacorte Press. $24.) http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/books/review/Angier.t.html?ref=review 15) Sweet Little Lies By PAUL KRUGMAN Op-Ed Columnist April 9, 2007 http://select.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/opinion/09krugman.html?hp 16) 6-Year-Olds Under Arrest By BOB HERBERT Op-Ed Columnist Avon Park, Fla. April 9, 2007 http://select.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/opinion/09herbert.html?hp 17) Guantánamo Detainees Stage Hunger Strike By TIM GOLDEN April 9, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/us/09hunger.html 18) Army Is Cracking Down on Deserters By PAUL von ZIELBAUER April 9, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/us/09awol.html?ref=us 19) CLOSE CONTACT To Woo Afghan Locals, U.S. Troops Settle In Tactic Wins Friends, Isolates Insurgents, But Boosts Casualties By MICHAEL M. PHILLIPS April 9, 2007; Page A1 WALL STREET JOURNAL [VIA Email from: Walter Lippmann walterlx@earthlink.net ...bw] 20) Crop Prices Soar, Pushing Up Cost Of Food Globally New Demand for Biofuels Feeds Inflation Pressure; China, India Feel Pinch By PATRICK BARTA April 9, 2007; Page A1 The Wall Street Journal [VIA Email from: Walter Lippmann walterlx@earthlink.net ...bw] 21) Injured troops shipped back into battle "Salon has uncovered further evidence that the military sent soldiers with acute post-traumatic stress disorder, severe back injuries and other serious war wounds back to Iraq." By Mark Benjamin April 9, 2007 http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2007/04/09/injured_soldiers/print.html 22) Huge Protest in Iraq Demands U.S. Withdraw By EDWARD WONG April 10, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/world/middleeast/10iraq.html?ref=world 23) High Stakes: Chávez Plays the Oil Card “Chávez poses a much bigger threat to America’s energy security than Saddam Hussein ever did.” By SIMON ROMERO and CLIFFORD KRAUSS April 10, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/business/worldbusiness/10showdown.html 24) General Wants Increased Troops Into Fall By THE NEW YORK TIMES April 10, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/world/middleeast/10troops.html 25) U.S. Raid on an Immigrant Household Deepens Anger and Mistrust By NINA BERNSTEIN April 10, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/nyregion/10suffolk.html?ref=nyregion 26) In East Harlem School Closing, Talk of a Class Divide By DAVID GONZALEZ April 10, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/nyregion/10citywide.html?ref=nyregion 27) Reflections by the Commander in Chief A BRUTAL REPLY Fidel Castro Ruz April 10, 2007 http://www.cuba.cu/gobierno/discursos/2007/ing/f100407i.html 28) Now the South Erupts Inter Press Service Ali al-Fadhily* http://www.dahrjamailiraq.com/hard_news/archives/iraq/000564.php#more 29) Cuban Youth Searching for Their Inner Selves Juventud Rebelde reveals the finding of its Third National Survey of Youth 2007-04-10 | 13:31:23 EST http://www.juventudrebelde.co.cu/cuba/2007-04-10/cuban-youth-searching-for-their-inner-selves-/ *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 1) All That You Can Be Risk Management by Lauren Collins April 9, 2007 http://www.newyorker.com/talk/2007/04/09/070409ta_talk_collins In the wake of a rise in substantiated instances of misconduct by its recruiters, the United States military, it was reported last month, is considering installing surveillance cameras in its recruiting stations. The military may also want to assess the tactics that its employees use in the virtual realm. This admissions season, an Army recruiter has been e-mailing recent college graduates with the offer of hundreds of thousands of dollars in scholarship money to pay for medical school, in exchange for four years of service. Nothing new there. What’s surprising is his assertion to students that they would be better off in Baghdad than in Georgetown. Susan Kahane, who is twenty-two, graduated from Columbia last spring. When she took the MCAT, in August, she checked a box to signal that she wished to receive information about outside sources of financial aid. Soon, she was inundated with e-mails from the Army, the Navy, and the Air Force (“FREE MEDICAL SCHOOL!!!”). One, sent on January 31st by Captain Christopher D. Mayhugh, of the Army Medical Service Corps, stood out. “Upon finishing your residency,” the message read, “you will be assigned to one of a variety of locations including Germany, Italy and Hawaii and your obligation will be complete.” (The Medical Service Corps’s Web page, in contrast, notes prominently that its officers have participated in combat operations in Korea, Kosovo, Somalia, Panama, and Iraq.) Mayhugh’s omission of Iraq, Kahane recalled last week, “seemed a little bit strange.” Still, she said, “These e-mails were often slightly tempting to me, because of my worries about paying for medical school.” On March 14th, Kahane received another e-mail from Mayhugh, with the subject “Medical school scholarships still available.” This time, rather than invoking European and tropical destinations, Mayhugh addressed the prospect of being posted to a less than desirable locale. “What if you get sent to Iraq?” he wrote in the letter’s final paragraph. He continued: Well, consider this: there has been an average of 160,000 troops in the Iraq theater of operations during the last 22 months, and a total of 2112 deaths, that gives a firearm death rate of 60 per 100,000. The rate in Washington, D.C. is 80.6 per 100,000. That means that you are about 25% more likely to be shot and killed in our Nation’s Capitol, which has some of the strictest gun control laws in the nation, than you are in Iraq. Kahane recalled, “After reading it once, I felt strongly that something was wrong, but I didn’t know what.” She looked up the figures and did the math herself, and found that all the statistics in the e-mail were either outdated or incorrect, and that, even if they had been correct, Mayhugh seemed to be comparing a yearly figure for Washington with a monthly one for Iraq. (Going by Mayhugh’s numbers, there would be nearly fifteen gun murders in Washington every day. In reality, there were about three murders, of any kind, per week in 2006. In the same period, an average of sixteen American troops died each week in Iraq.) Kimberly Thompson, an associate professor of risk analysis and decision science at Harvard’s School of Public Health, agreed, last week, to evaluate Mayhugh’s claim and found the discrepancy even starker. In her estimate, the risk of being killed in Iraq is ten times higher than the risk of being killed in Washington, D.C. “The recruiter’s e-mail message is really amazingly misleading,” she said. It turns out, as Kahane learned with a subsequent Google search, that “D.C. is more dangerous than Iraq” is a well-worn canard. Representative Steve King, a Republican from Iowa, promulgated a variation, involving his wife’s safety, last year on the floor of the House, while Mayhugh’s paragraph was plucked, verbatim, from an e-mail that circulated in 2005. The realization that Mayhugh’s message derived—one could see, with nominal research—from a Web fallacy was dispiriting to Kahane. She had written a letter to Mayhugh, but didn’t send it. “I thought, I guess he knows the math isn’t right, so what’s the point of telling him?” she said. Reached last week at his office in Maryland, Mayhugh stood by the e-mail, saying, “Most people’s perception of Iraq is that ‘Oh, my God, people are being murdered over there by the thousands.’ I think if you look at any type of situation where you have several hundred thousand people on the ground and now you throw in the fact that what they’re doing is dangerous and they have very big heavy vehicles and firearms with live ammunition, the number of people being killed over there is pretty small.” He acknowledged that the paragraph had come from a forwarded e-mail, but said that, before pasting it into his pitch, he had done “some simple calculations” that supported its conclusions. “In what I’ve seen in dealing with the war and the misperceptions of it,” he said, “it seemed to me like those would be the right numbers.” He went on, “I work in D.C. on a daily basis, and I’m afraid to get out of my car in a lot of places. I hear about police officers being murdered every day in D.C. and Baltimore. And I’ve had thousands of friends and colleagues go to Iraq and come back safely.” Illustration: TOM BACHTELL *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 2) No hope in Guantánamo BY JOSHUA COLANGELO-BRYAN MIAMI HERALD Apr. 05, 2007 http://www.miamiherald.com/851/v-print/story/64032.html On Monday, I was at Guantánamo Bay to meet with Jumah Al Dossari, one of the detainees my firm represents. As always, I spent the first few hours of our meeting trying to convince Jumah to fight the desperation and hopelessness that threaten what little spirit he has left. Jumah has been at Guantánamo for more than five years. The government has never charged him with a crime and does not accuse him of taking any action against the United States. For several years, Jumah has been held alone in solid-wall cells from which he cannot see other detainees or communicate except by yelling. He has spent 22 to 24 hours a day by himself in these cells. He has been short shackled, threatened with death and, once, severly beaten. Interrogators have told him that he will be at Guantánamo for the next 50 years and that there is no law at Guantánamo. Sometimes the idea of spending the rest of his life locked up thousands of miles from his family is too much for Jumah. On Oct. 15, 2005, I walked into an interview room to visit him. There was blood on the floor. I looked up and saw Jumah hanging by his neck from the other side of a metal mesh wall that divided his cell from our meeting area. He was bleeding from a gash in his arm. I couldn't reach Jumah because the door to the cell was locked. I yelled for guards who came, unlocked the door and cut the noose from Jumah's neck. I was ordered out of the room but later learned that Jumah had survived. Since that day, Jumah has tried to kill himself three times. Last spring he slashed his throat with a razor, spraying blood on the ceiling of his cell. During our meeting on Monday, we talked about Jumah's court case, a bleak—and therefore dangerous—subject. I explained again that the Bush administration insists it may detain anyone it designates an ''enemy combatant'' forever without a trial. I explained how Congress blessed that notion in last year's Military Commissions Act, which bars foreign ''enemy combatants'' from going to court to challenge that designation. I explained that lawyers for the detainees had challenged the act as unconstitutional, but that in February a federal appeals had ruled against us on the grounds that people like Jumah have no rights. Desperately wanting to boost his spirits, I also told Jumah that there was reason to be optimistic. We had asked the Supreme Court to review the appeals court decision and we felt pretty sure that our request would be granted. Were that to happen, Jumah might be a step closer to a court hearing. At noon, I went to the galley—as the cafeteria at Guantánamo is called—to get lunch for Jumah and myself. While waiting for a burger, I glanced up at a television tuned to CNN. Text ran across the bottom of the screen: ``Supreme Court refuses to hear Guantánamo detainee appeals until alternative procedures are exhausted.'' Our request—the one reason I had given Jumah to be optimistic—had been denied. The Supreme Court was saying it might consider the detainees' cases, but not until the detainees subjected themselves to proceedings created by the Military Commissions Act. It is a disturbing ruling because the government says the purpose of these proceedings is not to determine if a detainee is actually an ''enemy combatant'' but rather to determine if the military followed its own rules in applying the ''enemy combatant'' label. For that reason, detainees will have no chance to produce evidence of their innocence that the military didn't consider or to challenge the use of evidence obtained through torture. Worse yet, these procedures will be held before the same appeals court that recently found the detainees have no rights at all. I walked slowly back to the room where Jumah sat shackled. I wondered if there was a good way to tell a suicidal man that all three branches of our government appear content to let him rot at Guantánamo. Nothing came to mind. Maybe I shouldn't have worried. Jumah's reaction to bad legal news has become as muted as his emotions generally. He long ago stopped believing that a court will ever hear his case and thinks I'm naive for hoping otherwise. Instead, Jumah believes that he has been condemned to live forever on an island where there is no law. He may well be right. Joshua Colangelo-Bryan, an attorney, represents several Guantánamo detainees. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 3) WE'VE BEEN SURGING FOR YEARS By Don Monkerud TomPaine.com April 6, 2007 http://www.tompaine.com/articles/2007/04/06/weve_been_surging_for_years.php The number of U.S. forces involved in Iraq are at least twice the number quoted in the media. The administration uses a number of deceptions, definitional illusions and euphemisms -- including counting only "combat forces" and "military personnel" -- to drastically undercount the invasion force. Even President Bush's January announcement of a "surge" of 21,500 U.S. troops, opposed by the Joint Chiefs of Staff, has now morphed into 30,000 troops with an additional "headquarters staff" of 3,000 -- or more than 50 percent more than the official number. The currently reported total U.S. military in Iraq is 145,000, forces which are required to occupy a country slightly more than twice the size of Idaho. The real number is almost impossible to find in government-released information, even with a great amount of interpretation. It’s hidden because few in the administration want to disclose the true extent of vast U.S. resources invested in personnel, material, and other costs. GlobalSecurity.org is a public policy organization that provides background information on defense and homeland security. They note that keeping track of American forces has become "significantly more difficult as the military seeks to improve operational security and to deceive potential enemies and the media as to the extent of American operations." According to John Pike, director of GlobalSecurity.org, there are a number of other reasons affecting the accurate counting of the number of military forces involved in Iraq. Large numbers of troops are activated with unspecified duties to unspecified areas; many small units from various locations are being mobilized from the Army and National Guard, which count units differently; and groups rotate in and out of Iraqi so quickly it's impossible for anyone but the Pentagon to calculate how many are there. The Pentagon tracks these numbers, but Pike says they aren't telling. "We only try to nail the numbers down when we think Americans are getting ready to blow someone up," Pike says. "The Pentagon knows the numbers and we have certainly not done anything to highball it. Certainly, if there's a chance to release or hold numbers, they are parsimonious." Additionally, private enterprise military "contractors" almost double the number of U.S. forces in Iraq. After four contractors were hung from a bridge in Fallujah in March 2004, the Bush administration stonewalled congressional efforts to force the Pentagon to release information about the number of contractors in Iraq. Finally, the Pentagon reported a total of 25,000. In "The Market for Force: The Consequences of Privatizing Security," Deborah D. Avant, director for the Institute for Global and Internal Studies at George Washington University, reports that official numbers are difficult to find, but "This is the largest deployment of U.S. contractors in a military operation." In October, the military's first census of contractors totaled 100,000, not counting subcontractors. And in February 2007, the Associated Press reported 120,000 contractors (which would put Bush's "surge" closer to 50,000). Contractors, which some call mercenaries, provide support services essential to maintaining the U.S. military presence in Iraq. Ten times the number of contractors employed during the Persian Gulf War, these contract mercenaries now cook meals, interrogate prisoners, fix flat tires, repair vehicles, and provide guard duty. Military personnel formerly filled these types of jobs until former Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld instituted his "Total Force" plan, which relies on a smaller U.S. military force with "its active and reserve military components, its civil servants, and its contractors." Senator Jim Webb of Virginia called this a "rent-an-army." What are the total of U.S. forces are in Iraq? The government reported 145,000 U.S. military forces in Iraq, but John Pike estimates the current total at 150,000. Another 20,000 will arrive as part of the "surge," a last gasp public relations effort to save the operation from total failure. John Pike estimates another 30,000 are "in the theater" to provide "Operation Iraqi Freedom" support. The Army and Marines have another 10,000 to 20,000 in Kuwait, and a nearby Air Force wing-bombing group has 5,000. Current naval exercises in the Persian Gulf, which represents a show of force against Iran, include 10,000 U.S. personnel, the carrier groups Eisenhower and the Stennis, and 15 warships. Add the 120,000 contract mercenaries and the forces involved in the Iraqi operation and the total comes to 300,000 to 360,000, more than twice the "official" figure of 145,000 troops. This isn't counting the more than 5,000 British combat troops and navy, down from a high of 40,000 during the initial invasion, or the ragtag remnants of the highly vaunted "Coalition of the Willing," which has dwindled since the beginning of the occupation to 27, mostly small, countries such as Armenia, Estonia, Moldavia, and Latvia. Manipulated figures and private military contractors provide the Bush Administration with political cover to escape public scrutiny and keep injuries, deaths, and secret operations out of the public eye. A more accurate and honest view of participation in the Iraqi occupation by the government could give Americans more reason to oppose the waste of lives and resources on this ill-conceived, poorly planned, and disastrous venture. --Don Monkerud is an California-based writer who follows cultural, social and political issues. He can be reached at monkerud@cruzio.com. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 4) Permanent drought predicted for Southwest "Study says global warming threatens to create a Dust Bowl-like period. Water politics could also get heated." By Alan Zarembo and Bettina Boxall Times Staff Writers April 6, 2007 http://www.latimes.com/news/science/la-sci-swdrought6apr06,0,122112.story?coll=la-home-headlines The driest periods of the last century ˜ the Dust Bowl of the 1930s and the droughts of the 1950s ˜ may become the norm in the Southwest United States within decades because of global warming, according to a study released Thursday. The research suggests that the transformation may already be underway. Much of the region has been in a severe drought since 2000, which the study's analysis of computer climate models shows as the beginning of a long dry period. The study, published online in the journal Science, predicted a permanent drought by 2050 throughout the Southwest ˜ one of the fastest- growing regions in the nation. The data tell "a story which is pretty darn scary and very strong," said Jonathan Overpeck, a climate researcher at the University of Arizona who was not involved in the study. Richard Seager, a research scientist at Lamont-Doherty Earth Observatory at Columbia University and the lead author of the study, said the changes would force an adjustment to the social and economic order from Colorado to California. "There are going to be some tough decisions on how to allocate water," he said. "Is it going to be the cities, or is it going to be agriculture?" Seager said the projections, based on 19 computer models, showed a surprising level of agreement. "There is only one model that does not have a drying trend," he said. Philip Mote, an atmospheric scientist at the University of Washington who was not involved in the study, added, "There is a convergence of the models that is very strong and very worrisome." The future effect of global warming is the subject of a United Nations report to be released today in Brussels, the second of four installments being unveiled this year. The first report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change was released in February. It declared that global warming had become a "runaway train" and that human activities were "very likely" to blame. The landmark report helped shift the long and rancorous political debate over climate change from whether man-made warming was real to what could be done about it. The mechanics and patterns of drought in the Southwest have been the focus of increased scrutiny in recent years. During the last period of significant, prolonged drought ˜ the Medieval Climate Optimum from about the years 900 to 1300 ˜ the region experienced dry periods that lasted as long as 20 years, scientists say. Drought research has largely focused on the workings of air currents that arise from variations in sea-surface temperature in the Pacific Ocean known as El Niño and La Niña. The most significant in terms of drought is La Niña. During La Niña years, precipitation belts shift north, parching the Southwest. The latest study investigated the possibility of a broader, global climatic mechanism that could cause drought. Specifically, they looked at the Hadley cell, one of the planet's most powerful atmospheric circulation patterns, driving weather in the tropics and subtropics. Within the cell, air rises at the equator, moves toward the poles and descends over the subtropics. Increasing levels of greenhouse gases, the researchers said, warms the atmosphere, which expands the poleward reach of the Hadley cell. Dry air, which suppresses precipitation, then descends over a wider expanse of the Mediterranean region, the Middle East and North America. All of those areas would be similarly affected, though the study examined only the effect on North America in a swath reaching from Kansas to California and south into Mexico. The researchers tested a "middle of the road" scenario of future carbon dioxide emissions to predict rainfall and evaporation. They assumed that emissions would rise until 2050 and then decline. The carbon dioxide concentration in the atmosphere would be 720 parts per million in 2100, compared with about 380 parts per million today. The computer models, on average, found about a 15% decline in surface moisture ˜ which is calculated by subtracting evaporation from precipitation ˜ from 2021 to 2040, as compared with the average from 1950 to 2000. A 15% drop led to the conditions that caused the Dust Bowl in the Great Plains and the northern Rockies during the 1930s. Even without the circulation changes, global warming intensifies existing patterns of vapor transport, causing dry areas to get drier and wet areas to get wetter. When it rains, it is likely to rain harder, but scientists said that was unlikely to make up for losses from a shifting climate. Kelly Redmond, deputy director of the Western Regional Climate Center in Reno, who was not involved in the study, said he thought the region would still have periodic wet years that were part of the natural climate variation. But, he added, "In the future we may see fewer such very wet years." Although the computer models show the drying has already started, they are not accurate enough to know whether the drought is the result of global warming or a natural variation. "It's really hard to tell," said Connie Woodhouse, a paleoclimatologist at the University of Arizona. "It may well be one of the first events we can attribute to global warming." The U.S. and southern Europe will be better prepared to deal with frequent drought than most African nations. For the U.S., the biggest problem would be water shortages. The seven Colorado River Basin states ˜ Colorado, Wyoming, Utah, Nevada, New Mexico, Arizona and California ˜ would battle each other for diminished river flows. Mexico, which has a share of the Colorado River under a 1944 treaty and has complained of U.S. diversions in the past, would join the struggle. Inevitably, water would be reallocated from agriculture, which uses most of the West's supply, to urban users, drying up farms. California would come under pressure to build desalination plants on the coast, despite environmental concerns. "This is a situation that is going to cause water wars," said Kevin Trenberth, a scientist at the National Center for Atmospheric Research in Boulder, Colo. "If there's not enough water to meet everybody's allocation, how do you divide it up?" Officials from seven states recently forged an agreement on the current drought, which has left the Colorado River's big reservoirs ˜ Lake Powell and Lake Mead ˜ about half-empty. Without some very wet years, federal water managers say, Lake Mead may never refill. In the next couple of years, water deliveries may have to be reduced to Arizona and Nevada, whose water rights are second to California. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 5) Democrats at War WALL STREET JOURNAL EDITORIAL April 6, 2007; Page A10 [Via Email from: Walter Lippmann walterlx@earthlink.net ...bw] Democrats took Congress last fall in part by opposing the war in Iraq, but it is becoming clear that they view their election as a mandate for something far more ambitious -- to wit, promoting and executing their own foreign policy, albeit without the detail of a Presidential election. Their intentions were made plain this week with two remarkable acts by their House and Senate leaders. Majority Leader Harry Reid endorsed Senator Russ Feingold's proposal to withdraw from Iraq immediately, cutting off funds entirely within a year. He promised a vote soon, as part of what the Washington Post reported would also be a Democratic offensive to close Guantanamo, reinstate legal rights for terror suspects, and improve relations with Cuba. Meanwhile, Speaker Nancy Pelosi made her now famous sojourn to Syria, donning a head scarf and advertising that she was conducting shuttle diplomacy between Jerusalem and Damascus. If there was any doubt that her trip was intended as far more than a routine Congressional "fact-finding" trip, House Foreign Affairs Chairman Tom Lantos put it to rest by declaring that, "We have an alternative Democratic foreign policy. I view my job as beginning with restoring overseas credibility and respect for the United States." Americans should understand how extraordinary this is. There have been previous battles over U.S. foreign policy and fierce domestic criticism. In the 1990s, these columns defended Bill Clinton against "the Republican drift toward isolationism and political opportunism" amid the Kosovo conflict. But rarely in U.S. history have Congressional leaders sought to conduct their own independent diplomacy, with the Speaker acting as a Prime Minister traveling with a Secretary of State in the person of Mr. Lantos. Yes, Congressional Republicans have visited Syria too. But Ms. Pelosi isn't some minority back-bencher. Without a Democrat in the White House, she and Mr. Reid are the national leaders of their party. Even Newt Gingrich, for all his grand domestic ambitions in 1995, took a muted stand on foreign policy, realizing that in the American system the executive has the bulk of national security power. He also understood he would do the country no favors by sending a mixed message to our enemies -- at the time, Slobodan Milosevic. What was Ms. Pelosi hoping to accomplish, other than embarrassing President Bush? "We were very pleased with reassurances we received from the president that he was ready to resume the peace process," she told reporters after meeting with dictator Bashar Assad. "We expressed our interest in using our good offices in promoting peace between Israel and Syria." She purported to convey a message from Israel's Ehud Olmert expressing similar interest in "the peace process," except that the Israeli Prime Minister felt obliged to issue a clarification noting that Ms. Pelosi had got the message wrong. Israel hadn't changed its policy, which is that it will negotiate only when Mr. Assad repudiates his support for terrorism and stops trying to dominate Lebanon. As a shuttle diplomat, Ms. Pelosi needs some practice. Mr. Lantos probably got closer to their real intentions when he told reporters that "This is only the beginning of our constructive dialogue with Syria, and we hope to build on it." The Pelosi cavalcade is intended to show that if only the Bush Administration would engage in "constructive dialogue," the Syrians, Israelis and everyone else could all get along. This is the same Syrian regime that has facilitated the movement of money and insurgents to kill Americans in Iraq; that has been implicated by a U.N. probe in the murder of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri; and that has snubbed any number of U.S. overtures since the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003. Perhaps if he works hard enough, Mr. Lantos can match the 22 visits to Damascus that Bill Clinton's Secretary of State Warren Christopher made in the 1990s trying to squeeze peace from that same stone. In fact, Ms. Pelosi and Mr. Lantos both voted for the Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2003 that ordered Mr. Bush to choose from a menu of six sanctions to impose on Damascus. Mr. Bush chose the weakest two sanctions and dispatched a new Ambassador to Syria in a goodwill gesture in 2004. Only later, in the wake of the Hariri murder and clear intelligence of Syria's role in aiding Iraqi Baathists, did Mr. Bush conclude that Mr. Assad's real goal was to reassert control over Lebanon and bleed Americans in Iraq. With her trip, Ms. Pelosi has now reassured the Syrian strongman that Mr. Bush lacks the domestic support to impose any further pressure on his country. She has also made it less likely that Mr. Assad will cooperate with the Hariri probe, or assist the Iraqi government in defeating Baathist and al Qaeda terrorists. * * * Back in Washington, Harry Reid says his response to Mr. Bush's certain veto of his Iraq spending bill will be to escalate. He now supports cutting off funds and beginning an immediate withdrawal, even as General David Petraeus's surge in Baghdad unfolds and shows signs of promise. If Mr. Bush were as politically cynical as Democrats think, he'd let Mr. Reid's policy become law. Then Democrats would share responsibility for whatever mayhem happened next. So this is Democratic foreign policy: Assure our enemies that they can ignore a President who still has 21 months to serve; and wash their hands of Baghdad and of their own guilt for voting to let Mr. Bush go to war. No doubt Democrats think the President's low job approval, and public unhappiness with the war, gives them a kind of political immunity. But we wonder. Once we leave Iraq, America's enemies will still reside in the Mideast; and they will be stronger if we leave behind a failed government and bloodbath in Iraq. Mr. Bush's successor will have to contain the damage, and that person could even be a Democrat. But by reverting to their Vietnam message of retreat and by blaming Mr. Bush for all the world's ills, Democrats on Capitol Hill may once again convince voters that they can't be trusted with the White House in a dangerous world. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 6) Ford Pays Chief $28 Million for 4 Months’ Work By NICK BUNKLEY April 6, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/06/business/06ford.html?ref=businessspecial The Ford Motor Company paid its new chief executive, Alan R. Mulally, $28.18 million in his first four months on the job, the automaker said in a regulatory filing yesterday. His compensation included an $18.5 million bonus that Ford, which reported a record $12.7 billion loss last year, disclosed in September when it hired him from Boeing. Figures in Ford’s annual proxy statement show that his pay was more than three times that of any other executive at the company. That includes the executive chairman, William Clay Ford Jr., who has kept a 2005 promise not to accept any new salary, bonus or stock awards until Ford consistently earns a profit. The second-highest pay, $8.67 million, was also for only a few months’ work; it went to James J. Padilla, who retired as president and chief operating officer in July. Three executives received bonuses for their roles in reducing manufacturing capacity, cutting costs and achieving other goals as part of Ford’s overhaul plan, known as the Way Forward. The awards were part of a retention program that the company recently abandoned. Mark Fields, president of the Americas division, earned $2.29 million of his $5.57 million in total compensation from that program. Lewis W. K. Booth, executive vice president for Europe, received a $1.7 million retention incentive, while Don R. Leclair, Ford’s chief financial officer, received $1.32 million. Ford said it spent $517,560 to give Mr. Fields use of a company jet in 2006, a perk he stopped using in January after it received considerable negative publicity. Ford now buys first-class commercial airfares to fly Mr. Fields from company offices in Dearborn, Mich., to his family’s home in South Florida each weekend. Executive compensation at all three Detroit automakers has been closely scrutinized since they began revamping plans that will close dozens of factories and eliminate tens of thousands of jobs. They are trying to overcome multibillion-dollar losses and compete better with foreign-based rivals like Toyota and Honda. This year, as the automakers negotiate a new labor agreement with the United Automobile Workers union, workers are certain to resist demands for concessions if they consider executive salaries to be excessive. Union members have criticized the awarding of restricted stock option bonuses to top executives at General Motors — although G.M. paid no cash bonuses for the second consecutive year — and a proposal at Ford to pay bonuses to executives there. Ford later announced a program to pay modest bonuses of at least $300 to all employees. Mr. Mulally earned a base salary of $666,667, or $2 million annualized. He was granted a $7.5 million signing bonus and $11 million to make up for bonuses and stock options he forfeited by leaving Boeing. Ford valued the stock and option awards he received last year at $8.68 million. In his final year at Boeing, where he headed the commercial airplanes division, Mr. Mulally earned a total of $9.96 million. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 7) Comcast Chief Executive Receives $26 Million By GERALDINE FABRIKANT March 30, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/30/business/businessspecial/30comcast.pay.html?ex=1176091200&en=a355f91bce1d207c&ei=5070 The Comcast Corporation, the nation’s largest cable company, paid its chief executive, Brian L. Roberts, a total of $26 million last year, according to its proxy statement released today. That figure included a salary of $2.5 million, a bonus of $3 million and other payments including a cash bonus of $8.4 million. Mr. Roberts’s pay exceeded by just $2 million that of his father, Ralph J. Roberts, who is chairman of the executive and finance committees. The pay package for Ralph Roberts, who was a founder of the company but is no longer its chief executive or chairman, has annoyed some investors over the years. Mr. Roberts, who is 87, earned a total of $24.1 million last year, a figure that included a salary of $1.8 million, an option award of $3.7 million and another payment of $10.3 million, which included $4.1 million related to life insurance premiums. David L. Cohen, the company’s executive vice president, defended the compensation structure. "Our compensation plan is carefully designed to align executive compensation with the company’s annual and long-term performance goals and with shareholder interests,” he wrote in an e-mail message. Comcast’s stock did better last year than it had done previously, rising from $17.48 a share at the beginning of the year to $28.22 a share at the end of the year. In 2005, Glass Lewis & Company, a research firm that advises institutional shareholders on governance issues, argued that Brian Roberts, his father and three top managers were grossly overpaid. At the time several investors said privately that they were particularly annoyed that Ralph Roberts continued to receive a lucrative pay package when he was no longer chairman. In 2005, Comcast stock declined 21 percent. The company said that a portion of Ralph Roberts’ pay was determined by arrangements made when he was the chief executive. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 8) No Bonuses for Top G.M. Executives By NICK BUNKLEY March 29, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/29/business/businessspecial/29gmpay.html?ex=1176091200&en=b3bcb33a8bceaa23&ei=5070 DETROIT, March 28 — General Motors, which significantly improved its financial performance in 2006 yet did not earn a profit, said on Wednesday that for a second consecutive year, it would not pay cash bonuses to top executives. Such bonuses would undoubtedly have rankled members of the United Automobile Workers union ahead of this summer’s contract talks, although a G.M. spokeswoman, Renee Rashid-Merem, declined to say whether the pending negotiations were a factor. “It’s a decision that’s made on an annual basis,” Ms. Rashid-Merem said. She added that the decision affected about 20 managers, including the chief executive, Rick Wagoner, and the vice chairman, Robert A. Lutz. Full details on executives’ compensation will be released next month when the company files its annual proxy statement. Last week, some U.A.W. members expressed anger after G.M. disclosed in regulatory filings that Mr. Wagoner and other top executives would receive bonuses in the form of restricted stock options. G.M. had not awarded stock options since 2003. The union, which concluded a two-day collective bargaining convention Wednesday in Detroit, also grew irritated recently when executives at the Ford Motor Company said they were considering management bonuses. Instead, Ford said it would give bonuses of at least $300 to all employees. Union members say the leaders of Detroit’s automakers should not receive incentives at a time that they are eliminating tens of thousands of jobs and cutting benefits for hourly workers and retirees. Ford lost $12.7 billion last year, while G.M. posted a $2 billion loss. G.M.’s decision to forgo cash bonuses this year, as it did in 2006 after the company lost $10.4 billion, was first reported Wednesday afternoon by Bloomberg News. During this week’s bargaining convention, the U.A.W.’s president, Ron Gettelfinger, repeatedly criticized executives at the Delphi Corporation, the auto supplier that declared bankruptcy in 2005, for collecting bonuses while trying to cut hourly workers’ pay and benefits. Delphi says the $37 million in incentive pay recently approved by a bankruptcy judge is necessary to keep top executives from leaving. Mr. Gettelfinger did not specifically disparage executives at the automakers, but he made clear that the union intended to vigorously fight any demands made during the contract talks that workers agree to concessions. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 9) Cuban jet bombing suspect ordered free on bail in U.S. "Venezuela and Cuba want Luis Posada Carriles in a 1976 plane bombing that killed 73. But in this country, the former CIA operative is charged with lying to immigration officials." By Carol J. Williams Times Staff Writer April 7, 2007 http://www.latimes.com/news/printedition/asection/la-na-posada7apr07,1,7020766.story?coll=la-news-a_section MIAMI — A federal judge Friday ordered Cuban militant Luis Posada Carriles freed from a New Mexico jail, ruling he be allowed to live under electronic surveillance with his family in Miami while awaiting trial May 11 on charges of lying to immigration authorities. The move to free the 79-year-old, who is suspected of blowing up a Cuban airliner in 1976 and bombing Havana hotels in the late 1990s, sparked outrage in Cuba. The Communist Party newspaper Granma posted the news on its website under a headline that read: "Blackmail Gets Results." Posada has never been charged in U.S. courts in connection with those terrorist acts, his critics contend, because he likely threatened to disclose other violence committed during his decades of covert work with the CIA. A Bay of Pigs veteran who once served time in Panama for plotting to kill Cuban leader Fidel Castro, Posada has become a political conundrum for the Bush administration. The president and his Republican allies have benefited from the support of influential Cuban exiles in Miami, many of whom view Posada as a patriotic freedom fighter. Posada entered the United States illegally in March 2005, about eight months after he and three other Florida-based Cuban militants were pardoned on illegal weapons and conspiracy charges by outgoing Panamanian President Mireya Moscoso. The move came four years into Posada's eight-year sentence, and was seen as a favor to Bush, whose reelection in November 2004 was riding on the continued backing of Miami Cubans. The other three men, all U.S. citizens, arrived here to a hero's welcome while Posada — Cuban-born and Venezuela-naturalized — made his way home clandestinely. Posada held a Miami news conference, fueling foreign outcry that the U.S. government was providing refuge for a terrorist. He was arrested in May 2005. Cuba and Venezuela want Posada extradited to stand trial for the Cubana de Aviacion bombing that killed all 73 on board the Caracas to Havana flight. Posada escaped from prison in Venezuela in 1985 while he awaited a third trial in the jetliner bombing off Barbados. He was acquitted twice. After his 2005 arrest, Posada first was held in an immigration lockup in El Paso — where he told officials he had made his way to the United States with the help of a smuggler via Mexico and Texas. Cuban media, however, reported that Posada actually was picked up from Mexico's Yucatan peninsula by a shrimp boat owned by Cuban American developer Santiago Alvarez and brought to a Gulf Coast marina. Alvarez is in jail following a guilty plea on weapons violations charges. The El Paso immigration court ordered Posada deported in September 2005, but U.S. authorities were unable to persuade any of the seven allied countries contacted to accept him. A federal judge ruled that he couldn't be extradited to Cuba or Venezuela because of the possibility he would be tortured or abused in the custody of those governments. Last fall, Posada's Miami lawyer, Eduardo Soto, filed a writ of habeas corpus seeking his release. Another Texas judge ordered the federal government to charge Posada with a crime by Feb. 1 or release him. Then a federal grand jury in January indicted Posada on immigration violations and transferred him to a prison in Otero County, N.M. — voiding the deadline by placing him in custody pending a criminal proceeding. On Friday, shortly before the court closed for Easter weekend, U.S. District Judge Kathleen Cardone in El Paso ordered Posada released. She did not address a government request to keep him jailed pending an appeal. Posada's El Paso attorney, Felipe D.J. Millan, could not be reached for comment. But he told the Associated Press it was unlikely Posada would be released over the holiday weekend. "He deserves to go home and live in peace and enjoy his family," Millan said. "Obviously we'll do whatever we need to do to post bond. We'll try to get him [out] as soon as possible." Cardone's nine-page ruling required Posada to post a $250,000 bond, and mandated that his wife and two adult children put up $100,000 bond to ensure their compliance with other conditions of his release, including 24-hour home confinement and wearing an electronic monitoring device. carol.williams@latimes.com *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 10) City asks court to quit Abu-Jamal case By MARYCLAIRE DALE, Associated Press Writer1 April 6, 2007 http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20070406/ap_on_re_us/mumia_abu_jamal Prosecutors want the entire 3rd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals to recuse itself from the latest appeal for death-row inmate Mumia Abu-Jamal because Gov. Ed Rendell ˜ whose wife serves on the court ˜ was district attorney during his trial. Abu-Jamal, a former radio reporter and Black Panther, was convicted in 1982 of killing a police officer. In his latest appeal, his attorneys say prosecutors practiced racial discrimination during jury selection; an allegation prosecutors deny. "Since Mr. Rendell was the elected district attorney at the time in question, and so would have been responsible for the supposed 'routine' racially discriminatory practices of Philadelphia prosecutors, Abu-Jamal's accusations necessarily implicate Mr. Rendell personally," Assistant District Attorney Hugh J. Burns Jr. wrote in a motion last week. A federal judge in 2001 overturned Abu-Jamal's death sentence but upheld his conviction. Both sides appealed that ruling to the 3rd Circuit, whose members include the governor's wife, Marjorie O. Rendell. Prosecutors could simply ask for Judge Rendell to recuse herself but they want to avoid any possible grounds for a future appeal. Abu-Jamal was convicted in the Dec. 9, 1981, shooting death officer Daniel Faulkner after the officer pulled over Abu-Jamal's brother. He remains on death row during the appeals. His writings and taped speeches on the justice system have made Abu-Jamal a popular figure among activists who believe he was the victim of a racist justice system. Abu-Jamal is black; Faulkner was white. Abu-Jamal's lawyer, Robert R. Bryan of San Francisco, opposes Byrne's motion, according to court records. He did not return telephone messages seeking comment. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 11) Hot and Cold Editorial April 8,2006 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/opinion/08sun1.html?hp Last week began with a Supreme Court decision declaring that the federal government had the authority to regulate greenhouse gas emissions and all but ordering the Bush administration to do so. It ended with a report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change — the world’s authoritative voice on global warming — warning that failure to contain these emissions will have disastrous environmental effects, especially in poorer countries, which are least able to defend themselves and their people against the consequences of climate change. One would hope that these events would shake President Bush out of his state of denial and add his authority to the chorus of governors, legislators and business leaders calling for an aggressive regulatory and technological response to the dangers of global warming. They haven’t. When asked about the Supreme Court decision, the president said he thought he was already doing enough. He argued further that there was little point in the United States’ doing any more unless other polluters like China acted as well. That ignores the reality that no developing country is going to move unless the United States — which produces one-fourth of the world’s emissions with only 5 percent of its population — takes the lead. The report from the intergovernmental panel was the second of three due this year. The first concluded with “90 percent certainty” that humans had caused the rise in atmospheric temperatures over the last half-century. The most recent focused on the consequences, few of them positive. The northern latitudes will have longer growing seasons. But elsewhere climate change will lead to more severe storms, the flooding of tropical islands and coastlines inhabited by hundreds of millions of people, the likely extinction of at least one-fourth of the world’s species and, in poorer countries in Asia and Africa, drought and hunger. Some of these changes have begun. “We’re no longer arm-waving with models,” said Martin Parry, the co-chairman of the team that wrote the report. But the report also makes clear that while emissions already accumulated in the atmosphere make some damage inevitable, the worst can be avoided if the world’s nations take swift action to stabilize and then reverse emissions. What must be avoided, the report said, is a rise of 3 to 5 degrees Fahrenheit, the point at which truly devastating effects will begin to kick in. But such a rise is almost inevitable over the next century if the world continues to do business as usual. The panel’s next paper will discuss alternatives to business as usual. These policies will almost certainly require a major shift in the way energy is produced and used, as well as massive investments in new technologies. They will also be expensive. But what the world’s scientists are telling us, with increasing confidence, is that the costs of doing nothing will be far greater than the costs of acting now. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 12) Doctor’s Index Predicts Fate for Migrants in the Desert "...more than 100 adult male immigrants had died of heatstroke annually in Pima County." By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS April 8, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/us/08immig.html TUCSON, April 7 (AP) — An emergency room physician has devised a scientific index to predict the likelihood that illegal immigrants will die while walking through the Arizona desert in extreme heat conditions. The physician, Dr. Samuel Keim, concluded that the probability of death reached 50 percent when the temperature climbed to 104 degrees. “It’s like a weather forecast,” said the Rev. Robin Hoover, whose Humane Borders group maintains water stations at desert sites in southern Arizona and northern Mexico. “If he can forecast it to the U.S. Border Patrol, more of their agents can be scattered out looking for people in trouble.” Dr. Keim said he hoped to begin issuing daily forecasts by May, but he had not determined how to disseminate the information and with whom to share it. “We’re still negotiating that with various different entities,” he said, declining to give specifics because of worries that the intense political debate surrounding illegal immigration could scare off participants. Deaths of migrants on the Arizona-Mexico border have soared in recent years as tighter border security sends people to more-remote desert areas. Some migrants cross 50 or more miles of desert. In July 2005, Border Patrol agents recovered 72 dead illegal immigrants in the agency’s Tucson sector. Nearly all died from heat exposure. Ron Bellavia, commander of the Border Patrol’s rescue operations in the Tucson area, said an index like Dr. Keim’s “would be an appropriate measure to probably reduce exposure or environmental injuries.” The forecasts could also be shared with groups near Mexican migrant-staging areas, where the warnings could be posted, Mr. Hoover said. For years, the Border Patrol and the Mexican government have issued announcements about the desert’s heat-related perils, but Dr. Keim said he did not know whether migrants read or heeded them. Dr. Keim matched heatstroke victims with dates of death and desert temperatures using data collected from 2002 to 2006 in Pima County. Dr. Keim, an associate professor at the University of Arizona and an emergency room physician in Tucson, said that in recent years more than 100 adult male immigrants had died of heatstroke annually in Pima County. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 13) Trail of Tears By ELIZABETH ROYTE (RE: THE LONG EXILE A Tale of Inuit Betrayal and Survival in the High Arctic. By Melanie McGrath. 268 pp. Alfred A. Knopf. $24.95.) http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/books/review/Royte.t.html?_r=1&adxnnl=1&oref=slogin&adxnnlx=1176050987-kCJ3ZpwQ2uOi7Yadi5MjcA Throughout human history, seemingly simple turns of events have changed the fates of individuals and nations. In 1906, Thomas Watt Coslett invented a way to keep iron corset stays from rusting, and the bottom fell out of the whale-bone market. The whalers who remained on the eastern shore of Hudson Bay switched to trading for the creamy pelts of the Arctic fox, which local Inuit, on the Ungava Peninsula, began to trap in ever greater numbers. But when prices for skins fell in 1950, at a time when fox populations had also crashed, trappers — formerly subsistence hunters — moved to trading posts and begged rations from the Canadian police. Meanwhile the cold war raged, and the Canadian government became increasingly concerned about its sovereignty in the east Arctic archipelago. The United States and Canada jointly ran a weather station on Ellesmere Island, but Canadian officials wanted permanent residents there. The remedy to both the geopolitical and welfare problems was simple: uproot the Ungava Inuit and plant them 1,200 miles north, on Ellesmere. In “The Long Exile,” Melanie McGrath tells the story of this forced relocation — a tale of almost unrelenting horror — with so much moral vigor and descriptive verve that one quits reading only long enough to shake one’s head in disbelief. And then, with a shiver, reads on. To succeed on Hudson Bay, the Inuit needed to know everything about their immediate surroundings: the landmarks, the animals’ travel and migration routes, the location of fresh-water springs, berries, bird eggs and willow-worm cocoons to dip into seal fat for dinner. Describing the land’s natural features with lyrical precision, McGrath emphasizes that the harsh physical realities of this place shaped not only how the Inuit lived but also their personalities, making a strong case that psychology is destiny. At one time, expressing rage, lust or ambition were considered so threatening to Inuit group survival that persistent offenders were banished. But while serenity and self-restraint were adaptive in the Inuit’s ancestral environment, their unwillingness to speak out, on Ellesmere, would almost kill them. It was the late summer of 1953 when the Canadian government deposited three reluctant Inuit families, including a master carver named Paddy Aqiatusuk, on a narrow Ellesmere beach. They had been promised abundant game and a return ticket in one year’s time if they were unhappy. They were, in fact, instantly miserable. At 81 degrees north latitude, Ellesmere is, McGrath notes, the harshest terrain that humans have ever continuously inhabited. A high arctic desert, its interior is “an impenetrable mass of frozen crags and deep fjords.” The Inuit soon learned that marine mammals were scarce, as were caribou, fox and fresh water. Their clothing wasn’t warm enough, and their sleds and harnesses were all wrong for the rocky terrain. The rough waters made hunting by kayak impossible, and the dry wind made their dogs’ lungs bleed. Sufficient snow for snow houses arrived late, leaving the settlers in flimsy canvas tents until late winter. There wasn’t enough fuel for fires. The air was almost 30 degrees colder than back home, and the near constant wind made it feel more than 50 degrees worse. Four months of darkness “made hunting an almost daily terror,” McGrath writes. Ellesmere supported a small musk ox population, but the police detachment, 40 miles from the Inuit encampment, forbade killing them. The starving Inuit ate bird feathers, made broth from boot liners. “The children leaked diarrhea then vomit which the women in the camp fed to the dogs rather than have it go to waste.” Too reticent to complain, even when to save her family from starvation, Aqiatusuk’s 6-year-old granddaughter was forced onto the ice to hunt in total darkness, the Inuit persevered. When they finally screwed up their courage and asked to go home, the police refused. It was logistically complicated: the Inuit must cope. Government careers were on the line: the colony had to succeed. Its inhabitants were the equivalent of national flags fluttering in the wind. McGrath, wickedly talented, brings every bit of this to life (helped by her Inuit subjects’ preternatural memory for details). We hear the gnash of the ice (“a terrible, raw, geologic sound”), feel the pangs of hunger and thirst. We feel, too, the Inuit’s aching sense of abandonment and betrayal, their utter disorientation in a land where they knew nothing of the animal routes, the sea’s eddies and currents or the habits of wind and ice. Such details are not a matter of comfort, they are a matter of survival. McGrath is a meticulous researcher — she took the trouble to learn the names and colors of lichens that grow on rocks beneath bird colonies and fox lookouts — and she writes as if she’d lived in the Arctic for years. The book moves quickly, to a drumbeat of doom. As the Inuit approach their new home, “the frail summer had already begun to sicken and the sky pressed down on the land like a dead hand.” McGrath, who has written three previous books, is smart to focus on Aqiatusuk and his extended family. They humanize her tale, which includes a history of exploration in the eastern Canadian Arctic and of the relentless exploitation of Inuits by whites. Aqiatusuk was the adoptive father of a boy named Josephie, whose real father was the American Robert Flaherty, the director of “Nanook of the North.” Filmed on the Ungava Peninsula in the 1920s, the so-called documentary idealized the Inuit as innocents in an unblemished land. The movie colored the Western view of Inuit life in the Arctic for generations as it traveled the globe winning prizes, immortalizing a world that never existed. Actually, the Inuit way of life was already tainted by white fur traders by the time Flaherty arrived (he himself was financially backed by a trader), and the film’s starring family was entirely contrived, just like the settlement on Ellesmere, a place with no history or purpose beyond politics. According to McGrath, Flaherty made Nanook out of admiration for the Inuit’s “raw unquestioning confidence,” qualities shattered by the move to Ellesmere. As an adult, Josephie Flaherty, whose mother starred in “Nanook” (and cohabited with Flaherty), would follow Aqiatusuk to Ellesmere and die there, a broken man. But his daughter Martha, the child hunter and granddaughter of Robert Flaherty, eventually escaped and later forced the Canadian government to reckon with its crimes. As the years wore on, the Inuit gradually learned how to survive on Ellesmere. They constructed huts from scrap wood, revamped their sleds and dog harnesses. They learned the beluga’s migration route and would eventually hunt over a range of 6,864 square miles each year. In 1962, the government sent a teacher to the island, but only two school books: one on how to run a bank, the other called “The Roads of Texas.” Forty years after the first families left Ungava for Ellesmere, the Canadian government held hearings to investigate the relocation program. At its conclusion, the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples called the relocation “one of the worst human rights violations in the history of Canada.” The country was shocked by the abuse and arrogance of its leaders, who eventually made financial reparations of 10 million Canadian dollars to the survivors and their families. But the government has yet to apologize. Elizabeth Royte, whose “Garbage Land: On the Secret Trail of Trash,” has recently been published in paperback, is a frequent contributor to the Book Review. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 14) Sociable Darwinism By NATALIE ANGIER April 8, 2007 (RE:EVOLUTION FOR EVERYONE How Darwin’s Theory Can Change the Way We Think About Our Lives. By David Sloan Wilson. 390 pp. Delacorte Press. $24. http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/books/review/Angier.t.html?ref=review Just as in the classic clashes of nature, where every mutational upgrade in a carnivore’s strength or cunning is soon countered by a speedier or more paranoid model of antelope, so the pitched struggle between evolutionary theory and its deniers has yielded a bristling diversity of ploys and counterploys. The heavyhanded biblical literalism of creationist science evolves into the feints and curlicues of intelligent design, and the casual dismissiveness with which scientists long regarded the anti-evolutionists gives way to a belated awareness that, gee, the public doesn’t seem to realize how fatuous the other side is, and maybe it’s time to combat the creationist phylum head on. And so, over the last few years, scientists have unleashed a blitzkrieg of books in defense of Darwinism, summarizing the Everest of supportive evidence for evolutionary theory, filleting the arguments of the naysayers or reciting, yet again, the story of Charles Darwin, depressive naturalist extraordinaire, whose increasingly pervasive avuncular profile has lofted him to logo status on par with Einstein and the Nike swoosh. David Sloan Wilson, an evolutionary biologist at Binghamton University, takes a different and decidedly refreshing approach. Rather than catalog its successes, denounce its detractors or in any way present evolutionary theory as the province of expert tacticians like himself, Wilson invites readers inside and shows them how Darwinism is done, and at lesson’s end urges us to go ahead, feel free to try it at home. The result is a sprightly, absorbing and charmingly earnest book that manages a minor miracle, the near-complete emulsifying of science and the “real world,” ingredients too often kept stubbornly, senselessly apart. Only when Wilson seeks to add religion to the mix, and to show what natural, happy symbionts evolutionary biology and religious faith can be, does he begin to sound like a corporate motivational speaker or a political candidate glad-handing the crowd. In Wilson’s view, Darwin’s theory of evolution by natural selection has the beauty of being both simple and profound. Unlike quantum mechanics or the general theory of relativity, the basic concepts behind evolutionary theory are easy to grasp; and once grasped, he argues, they can be broadly applied to better understand ourselves and the world — the world both as it is and as it might be, with the right bit of well-informed coaxing. Wilson has long been interested in the evolution of cooperative and altruistic behavior, and much of the book is devoted to the premise that “goodness can evolve, at least when the appropriate conditions are met.” As he sees it, all of life is characterized by a “cosmic” struggle between good and evil, the high-strung terms we apply to behaviors that are either cooperative or selfish, civic or anomic. The constant give-and-take between me versus we extends down to the tiniest and most primal elements of life. Short biochemical sequences may want to replicate themselves ad infinitum, their neighboring sequences be damned; yet genes get together under the aegis of cells and reproduce in orderly fashion as genomes, as collectives of sequences, setting aside some of their immediate selfish urges for the sake of long-term genomic survival. Cells further collude as organs, and organs pool their talents and become bodies. The conflict between being well behaved, being good, not gulping down more than your share, and being selfish enough to get your fair share, “is eternal and encompasses virtually all species on earth,” he writes, and it likely occurs on any other planet that supports life, too, “because it is predicted at such a fundamental level by evolutionary theory.” How do higher patterns of cooperative behavior emerge from aggregates of small, selfish units? With carrots, sticks and ceaseless surveillance. In the human body, for example, nascent tumor cells arise on a shockingly regular basis, each determined to replicate without bound; again and again, immune cells attack the malignancies, destroying the outlaw cells and themselves in the process. The larger body survives to breed, and hence spawn a legacy far sturdier than any tumor mass could manage. As with our bodies, so with our behaviors. Wilson explores the many fascinating ways in which humans are the consummate group-thinking, team-playing animal. The way we point things out to one another, for example, is unique among primates. “Apes raised with people learn to point for things that they want but never point to call the attention of their human caretakers to objects of mutual interest,” Wilson writes, “something that human infants start doing around their first birthday.” The eyes of other apes are dark across their entire span and thus are hard to follow, but the contrast between the white sclera and colored iris of the human eye makes it difficult for people to conceal the direction in which they are looking. In the interdependent, egalitarian context of the tribe, the ancestral human setting, Wilson says, “it becomes advantageous for members of the team to share information, turning the eyes into organs of communication in addition to organs of vision.” Humans are equipped with all the dispositional tools needed to establish and maintain order in the commons. Studies have revealed a deep capacity for empathy, a willingness to trust others and become instant best friends; and an equally strong urge to punish cheaters, to exact revenge against those who buck group rules for private gain. Of course, even as humans bond together in groups and behave with impressive civility toward their neighbors, they are capable of treating those outside the group with ruthless savagery. Wilson is not naïve, and he recognizes the ease with which humans fall into an us-versus-them mind-set. Yet he is a self-described optimist, and he believes that the golden circles of we-ness, the conditions that encourage entities at every stratum of life to stop competing and instead pool their labors into a communally acting mega-entity, can be expanded outward like ripples on a pond until they encompass all of us — that the entire human race can evolve the culturally primed if not genetically settled incentive to see our futures for what they are, inexorably linked on the lone blue planet we share. Toward the end of the book he offers a series of evolutionarily informed suggestions on how we might help widen the geometry of good will, beginning with the italicized, boldface pronouncement that “we are not fated by our genes to engage in violent conflict.” Our bloody past does not foretell an inevitably bloody future, and violent behaviors that make grim sense in one context can become maladaptive in another. “The Vikings of Iceland were among the fiercest people on earth, and now they are the most peaceful,” he observes. “In principle, it is possible to completely eliminate violent conflict by eliminating its preferred ‘habitat.’ ” For their universal appeal and basal power to harmonize a crowd, he recommends more music and dancing and asks, “Could we establish world peace if everyone at the United Nations showed up in leotards?” He also believes that the world’s religions should be tapped for their “wisdom.” This is a fine idea in the abstract, but given current events and the fissuring of the world along so many theo-sectarian lines, I wish we could forgo the sermon and just strike up the band. Natalie Angier is a science columnist for The Times. Her latest book, “The Canon: A Whirligig Tour Through the Beautiful Basics of Science,” will be published in May. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 15) Sweet Little Lies By PAUL KRUGMAN Op-Ed Columnist April 9, 2007 http://select.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/opinion/09krugman.html?hp Four years into a war fought to eliminate a nonexistent threat, we all have renewed appreciation for the power of the Big Lie: people tend to believe false official claims about big issues, because they can’t picture their leaders being dishonest about such things. But there’s another political lesson I don’t think has sunk in: the power of the Little Lie — the small accusation invented out of thin air, followed by another, and another, and another. Little Lies aren’t meant to have staying power. Instead, they create a sort of background hum, a sense that the person facing all these accusations must have done something wrong. For a long time, basically from 9/11 until the last remnants of President Bush’s credibility drowned in New Orleans, the Bush administration was able to go big on its deceptions. Most people found it inconceivable that an American president would, for example, assert without evidence that Saddam and Al Qaeda were allies. Mr. Bush won the 2004 election because a quorum of voters still couldn’t believe he would grossly mislead them on matters of national security. Before 9/11, however, the right-wing noise machine mainly relied on little lies. And now it has returned to its roots. The Clinton years were a parade of fake scandals: Whitewater, Troopergate, Travelgate, Filegate, Christmas-card-gate. At the end, there were false claims that Clinton staff members trashed the White House on their way out. Each pseudoscandal got headlines, air time and finger-wagging from the talking heads. The eventual discovery in each case that there was no there there, if reported at all, received far less attention. The effect was to make an administration that was, in fact, pretty honest and well run — especially compared with its successor — seem mired in scandal. Even in the post-9/11 environment, little lies never went away. In particular, promoting little lies seems to have been one of the main things U.S. attorneys, as loyal Bushies, were expected to do. For example, David Iglesias, the U.S. Attorney in New Mexico, appears to have been fired because he wouldn’t bring unwarranted charges of voter fraud. There’s a lot of talk now about a case in Wisconsin, where the Bush-appointed U.S. attorney prosecuted the state’s purchasing supervisor over charges that a court recently dismissed after just 26 minutes of oral testimony, with one judge calling the evidence “beyond thin.” But by then the accusations had done their job: the unjustly accused official had served almost four months in prison, and the case figured prominently in attack ads alleging corruption in the Democratic governor’s administration. This is the context in which you need to see the wild swings Republicans have been taking at Nancy Pelosi. First, there were claims that the speaker of the House had demanded a lavish plane for her trips back to California. One Republican leader denounced her “arrogance of extravagance” — then, when it became clear that the whole story was bogus, admitted that he had never had any evidence. Now there’s Ms. Pelosi’s fact-finding trip to Syria, which Dick Cheney denounced as “bad behavior” — unlike the visit to Syria by three Republican congressmen a few days earlier, or Newt Gingrich’s trip to China when he was speaker. Ms. Pelosi has responded coolly, dismissing the administration’s reaction as a “tantrum.” But it’s more than that: the hysterical reaction to her trip is part of a political strategy, aided and abetted by news organizations that give little lies their time in the sun. Fox News, which is a partisan operation in all but name, plays a crucial role in the Little Lie strategy — which is why there is growing pressure on Democratic politicians not to do anything, like participating in Fox-hosted debates, that helps Fox impersonate a legitimate news organization. But Fox has had plenty of help. Even Time’s Joe Klein, a media insider if anyone is, wrote of the Pelosi trip that “the media coverage of this on CNN and elsewhere has been abysmal.” For example, CNN ran a segment about Ms. Pelosi’s trip titled “Talking to Terrorists.” The G.O.P.’s reversion to the Little Lie technique is a symptom of political weakness, of a party reduced to trivial smears because it has nothing else to offer. But the technique will remain effective — and the U.S. political scene will remain ugly — as long as many people in the news media keep playing along. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 16) 6-Year-Olds Under Arrest By BOB HERBERT Op-Ed Columnist Avon Park, Fla. April 9, 2007 http://select.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/opinion/09herbert.html?hp When 6-year-old Desre’e Watson threw a tantrum in her kindergarten class a couple of weeks ago she could not have known that the full force of the law would be brought down on her and that she would be carted off by the police as a felon. But that’s what happened in this small, backward city in central Florida. According to the authorities, there were no other options. “The student became violent,” said Frank Mercurio, the no-nonsense chief of the Avon Park police. “She was yelling, screaming — just being uncontrollable. Defiant.” “But she was 6,” I said. The chief’s reply came faster than a speeding bullet: “Do you think this is the first 6-year-old we’ve arrested?” The child’s tantrum occurred on the morning of March 28 at the Avon Elementary School. According to the police report, “Watson was upset and crying and wailing and would not leave the classroom to let them study, causing a disruption of the normal class activities.” After a few minutes, Desre’e was, in fact, taken to another room. She was “isolated,” the chief said. But she would not calm down. She flailed away at the teachers who tried to control her. She pulled one woman’s hair. She was kicking. I asked the chief if anyone had been hurt. “Yes,” he said. At least one woman reported “some redness.” After 20 minutes of this “uncontrollable” behavior, the police were called in. At the sight of the two officers, Chief Mercurio said, Desre’e “tried to take flight.” She went under a table. One of the police officers went after her. Each time the officer tried to grab her to drag her out, Desre’e would pull her legs away, the chief said. Ultimately the child was no match for Avon Park’s finest. The cops pulled her from under the table and handcuffed her. The officers were not fooling around. In the eyes of the cops the 6-year-old was a criminal, and in Avon Park she would be treated like any other felon. There was a problem, though. The handcuffs were not manufactured with kindergarten kids in mind. The chief explained: “You can’t handcuff them on their wrists because their wrists are too small, so you have to handcuff them up by their biceps.” As I sat listening to Chief Mercurio in a spotless, air-conditioned conference room at the Avon Park police headquarters, I had the feeling that I had somehow stumbled into the middle of a skit on “Saturday Night Live.” The chief seemed like the most reasonable of men, but what was coming out of his mouth was madness. He handed me a copy of the police report: black female. Six years old. Thin build. Dark complexion. Desre’e was put in the back of a patrol car and driven to the police station. “Then,” said Chief Mercurio, “she was transported to central booking, which is the county jail.” The child was fingerprinted and a mug shot was taken. “Those are the normal procedures for anyone who is arrested,” the chief said. Desre’e was charged with battery on a school official, which is a felony, and two misdemeanors: disruption of a school function and resisting a law enforcement officer. After a brief stay at the county jail, she was released to the custody of her mother. The arrest of this child, who should have been placed in the care of competent, comforting professionals rather than being hauled off to jail, is part of an outlandish trend of criminalizing very young children that has spread to many school districts and law enforcement agencies across the country. A highly disproportionate number of those youngsters, like Desre’e, are black. In Baltimore last month, the police arrested, handcuffed and hauled away a 7-year-old black boy for allegedly riding a dirt bike on the sidewalk. The youngster was released and the mayor, Sheila Dixon, apologized for the incident, saying the arrest was inappropriate. Last spring a number of civil rights organizations collaborated on a study of disciplinary practices in Florida schools and concluded that many of them, “like many districts in other states, have turned away from traditional education-based disciplinary methods — such as counseling, after-school detention, or extra homework assignments — and are looking to the legal system to handle even the most minor transgressions.” Once you adopt the mindset that ordinary childhood misbehavior is criminal behavior, it’s easy to start seeing young children as somehow monstrous. “Believe me when I tell you,” said Chief Mercurio, “a 6-year-old can inflict injury to you just as much as any other person.” *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 17) Guantánamo Detainees Stage Hunger Strike By TIM GOLDEN April 9, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/us/09hunger.html A long-term hunger strike has broken out at the American detention center at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba, with more than a dozen prisoners subjecting themselves to daily force- feeding to protest their treatment, military officials and lawyers for the detainees say. Lawyers for several hunger strikers said their clients’ actions were driven by harsh conditions in a new maximum security complex. About 160 of the roughly 385 Guantánamo detainees have been moved to the complex since December. Thirteen detainees are now on hunger strikes, the largest number to endure the force-feeding regimen on an extended basis since early 2006, when the military broke a long- running strike with a new policy of strapping prisoners into restraint chairs while they are fed by plastic tubes inserted through their nostrils. The hunger strikers are now monitored so closely that they have virtually no chance to starve themselves. Yet their persistence underscores how the struggle between detainees and guards at Guantánamo has continued even as the military has tightened its control in the past year. “We don’t have any rights here, even after your Supreme Court said we had rights,” one hunger striker, Majid al-Joudi, told a military doctor, according to medical records released recently under a federal court order. “If the policy does not change, you will see a big increase in fasting.” A military spokesman at Guantánamo, Cmdr. Robert Durand of the Navy, played down the significance of the current strike, calling the prisoners’ complaints “propaganda.” But the protests come as criticism of Guantánamo continues to rise in the United States and abroad. Last week, after the Supreme Court denied a new appeal on behalf of the detainees, the head of the International Committee of the Red Cross delivered a rare public reprimand to the Bush administration, saying the prisoners’ ability to contest their detention was inadequate. Newly released Pentagon documents show that during earlier hunger strikes, before the use of the restraint chairs, some detainees lost more than 30 pounds in a matter of weeks. By comparison, the current hunger strike — in which 12 of the 13 detainees were being force-fed as of Friday — seems almost symbolic. For instance, the medical records for Mr. Joudi, a 36-year-old Saudi, showed that when he was hospitalized on Feb. 10, he had been fasting for 31 days and had lost more than 15 percent of his body weight. By the time he was transferred a few days later to a “feeding block” where more serious hunger strikers are segregated from other prisoners, his condition had stabilized and his weight was nearly back to an ideal level for a man his size. (His exact weight gain was not recorded.) Mr. Joudi was subsequently flown home and turned over to the Saudi authorities, his lawyer said. Lawyers for several detainees held in the new maximum security complex, known as Camp 6, compared it to “supermax” prisons in the United States. The major differences, they said, are that the detainees have limited reading material and no television, and only 10 of the Guantánamo prisoners have been charged. The Camp 6 inmates are generally locked in their 8-foot-by-10-foot cells for at least 22 hours a day, emerging only to exercise in small wire cages and to shower. Besides those times, they can talk with other prisoners only by shouting through food slots in the steel doors of their cells. “My wish is to die,” one reported hunger striker in the camp, Adnan Farhan Abdullatif, a 27-year old Yemeni, told his lawyer on Feb. 27, according to recently declassified notes of the meeting. “We are living in a dying situation.” Commander Durand, the Guantánamo spokesman, dismissed such accounts as part of an effort by the prisoners and their lawyers to discredit the detention mission. He described the new unit as much more comfortable than the detainees’ previous quarters, and denied that they suffered any greater sense of isolation in the new cell blocks. “This was designed to improve living conditions,” Commander Durand said, “and we think it has.” Camp 6 was originally designed as a modern, medium- security prison complex for up to 200 inmates, with common areas where they could gather for meals and a large fenced athletic field where they could jog or play soccer outside the high concrete walls. But after a riot last May and the suicides of three prisoners in June, the unit was retrofitted before opening to limit the detainees’ freedom and reduce the risk that they might hurt themselves or attack guards, military officials said. As Camp 6 was opening, senior officials expressed concern about how prisoners would react to its greater isolation. Most had been held in makeshift blocks of wire-mesh cells that — while often hot, noisy and lacking privacy — allowed them to communicate easily, pray together and even pass written messages. Guantánamo’s other maximum-security unit, Camp 5, has cells that face each other across a short hallway, allowing the roughly 100 detainees there to converse fairly easily. In Camp 6, the prisoners can see one another from their cells only when one of them is being moved. At other times, they look out on the stainless- steel picnic tables in the common areas they are not allowed to use. Lawyers for several Camp 6 detainees said their clients were despondent about the move even though, as military officials note, the new cells are 27 square feet larger than the old ones and have air-conditioning, nicer toilets and sinks, and a small desk anchored to the wall. “They’re just sitting on a powder keg down there,” said one lawyer, Sabin Willett, who, like others, described growing desperation among the prisoners. “You’re going to have an insane asylum.” Lawyers who visited Guantánamo recently said the detainees reported a higher number of hunger strikers than had the military — perhaps 40 or more. Military officials said there were sometimes “stealth hunger strikers,” who pretend to eat or surreptitiously vomit after eating, but they dismissed the detainees’ estimates as exaggerations. Because reporters are prevented from speaking with detainees or visiting most of their cell blocks, it is difficult to verify the conflicting accounts. Hunger strikes have been part of life at Guantánamo almost since the detention center opened in January 2002. They reached a peak in September 2005, when more than 130 detainees were classified as hunger strikers, having refused at least nine consecutive meals, military records show. As the strikes went on, some detainees being force-fed continued to lose weight by vomiting or siphoning their stomachs with the feeding tubes. But by early February 2006, shortly after the military began using restraint chairs during the forced feedings, the number of hunger strikers plunged to three. The number rose again sharply but briefly last May, reaching 86 after three detainees attempted suicide and a riot broke out as the guards searched for contraband. Yet even then, no more than seven strikers were forced into the restraint chair regimen. Three detainees who had been hunger strikers hung themselves on June 10. After July, no more than three detainees subjected themselves to extended forced feeding. That number began to grow again as detainees were moved into Camp 6 in December. By mid-March, the number of hunger strikers reached 17. For the first time, as many as 15 detainees continued with the strikes despite being force-fed in the restraint chairs. Military officials have described the restraint chair regimen as unpleasant but necessary. They originally said prisoners needed to be restrained while digesting, so they could not purge what they were fed. Now, the rationale has changed. The restraints are generally applied “for safety of the detainee and medical staff,” records show, and they are kept on for as little as 15 minutes at a time, rather than the two hours commonly used before. Afterward, the prisoners are moved to a “dry cell” and monitored to make sure they do not vomit. Even so, some detainees describe the experience as painful, even gruesome. One Sudanese detainee, Sami al-Hajj, a 38-year-old former cameraman for Al Jazeera, described feeling at one point that he could not bear the tube for another instant. “I said I would begin to scream unless they took it out,” he wrote in a recent diary entry given to his lawyer. “They finally did.” Stephen H. Oleskey, who represents Saber Lahmar, an Algerian religious scholar whom military officials accused of propagating a religious legal ruling that was linked to the suicides, said of his client: “The man has been in segregation — virtual isolation — for over nine months. Physically and emotionally, he’s collapsing. We think this punishment does exceed what the law allows, and that he won’t survive.” Military officials said Mr. Lahmar and other detainees had received adequate medical attention. Margot Williams and William Glaberson contributed reporting. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 18) Army Is Cracking Down on Deserters By PAUL von ZIELBAUER April 9, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/us/09awol.html?ref=us Army prosecutions of desertion and other unauthorized absences have risen sharply in the last four years, resulting in thousands more negative discharges and prison time for both junior soldiers and combat-tested veterans of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, Army records show. The increased prosecutions are meant to serve as a deterrent to a growing number of soldiers who are ambivalent about heading — or heading back — to Iraq and may be looking for a way out, several Army lawyers said in interviews. Using courts-martial for these violations, which before 2002 were treated mostly as unpunished nuisances, is a sign that active-duty forces are being stretched to their limits, military lawyers and mental health experts said. “They are scraping to get people to go back, and people are worn out,” said Dr. Thomas Grieger, a senior Navy psychiatrist. Though there are no current studies to show how combat stress affects desertion rates, Dr. Grieger cited several examples of soldiers absconding or refusing to return to Iraq because of psychiatric reasons brought on by wartime deployments. At an Army base in Alaska last year, for example, “there was one guy who literally chopped off his trigger finger with an axe to prevent his deployment,” Dr. Grieger said in an interview. The Army prosecuted desertion far less often in the late 1990s, when desertions were more frequent, than it does now, when there are comparatively fewer. From 2002 through 2006, the average annual rate of Army prosecutions of desertion tripled compared with the five- year period from 1997 to 2001, to roughly 6 percent of deserters, from 2 percent, Army data shows. Between these two five-year spans — one prewar and one during wartime — prosecutions for similar crimes, like absence without leave or failing to appear for unit missions, have more than doubled, to an average of 390 per year from an average of 180 per year, Army data shows. In total, the Army since 2002 has court-martialed twice as many soldiers for desertion and other unauthorized absences as it did on average each year between 1997 and 2001. Deserters are soldiers who leave a post or fail to show up for an assignment with the intent to stay away. Soldiers considered absent without leave, or AWOL, which presumes they plan to return, are classified as deserters and dropped from a unit’s rolls after 30 days. Most soldiers who return from unauthorized absences are punished and discharged. Few return to regular duty. Officers said the crackdown reflected an awareness by top Army and Defense Department officials that desertions, which occurred among more than 1 percent of the active-duty force in 2000 for the first time since the post-Vietnam era, were in a sustained upswing again after ebbing in 2003, the first year of the Iraq war. At the same time, the increase highlights a cycle long known to Army researchers: as the demand for soldiers increases during a war, desertions rise and the Army tends to lower enlistment standards, recruiting more people with questionable backgrounds who are far more likely to become deserters. In the 2006 fiscal year, 3,196 soldiers deserted, the Army said, a figure that has been climbing since the 2004 fiscal year, when 2,357 soldiers absconded. In the first quarter of the current fiscal year, which began Oct. 1, 871 soldiers deserted, a rate that, if it stays on pace, would produce 3,484 desertions for the fiscal year, an 8 percent increase over 2006. The Army said the desertion rate was within historical norms, and that the surge in prosecutions, which are at the discretion of unit commanders, was not a surprise given the impact that absent soldiers can have during wartime. “The nation is at war, and the Army treats the offense of desertion more seriously,” Maj. Anne D. Edgecomb, an Army spokeswoman, said. “The Army’s leadership will take whatever measures they believe are appropriate if they see a continued upward trend in desertion, in order to maintain the health of the force.” Army studies and interviews also suggest a link between the rising rate of desertions and the expanding use of moral waivers to recruit people with poor academic records and low-level criminal convictions. At least 1 in 10 deserters surveyed after returning to the Army from 2002 to mid-2004 required a waiver to enter the service, a report by the Army Research Institute found. “We’re enlisting more dropouts, people with more law violations, lower test scores, more moral issues,” said a senior noncommissioned officer involved in Army personnel and recruiting. “We’re really scraping the bottom of the barrel trying to get people to join.” (Army officials agreed to discuss the issue on the condition that they not be quoted by name.) The officer said the Army National Guard last week authorized 34 states and Guam to enlist the lowest- ranking group of eligible recruits, those who scored between 16 and 30 on the armed services aptitude test. Federal law bars recruits who scored lower than 16 from enlisting. Desertions, while a chronic problem for the Army, are nowhere near as common as they were at the height of the Vietnam War. From 1968 to 1971, for instance, about 5 percent of enlisted men deserted. But the rate of desertion today, after four years of fighting two ground wars, is “being taken much more seriously because we were losing so many soldiers out of the Army that there was a recognized need to attack the problem from a different way,” said an Army criminal defense lawyer. In interviews, the lawyer and two other Army lawyers each traced the spike in prosecutions to a policy change at the beginning of 2002 that required commanders to welcome back soldiers who deserted or went AWOL. Before that, most deserters, who are often young, undistinguished soldiers who have fallen out of favor with their sergeants, were given administrative separations and sent home with other-than-honorable discharges. The new policy, ordered by the secretary of the army, effectively eliminated the incentive among squad sergeants to urge returning AWOL soldiers to stay away for at least 30 days, when they would be classified as deserters under the old rules and dropped from the roll. But some unit commanders, wary of scrutiny from their superiors, go out of their way to improperly keep deserted soldiers on their rosters, and on the Army’s payroll, two officers said in interviews. To counter that, the Army adopted a new policy in January 2005 requiring commanders to formally report absent soldiers within 48 hours. Such problems are costly. From October 2000 to February 2002, the Army improperly paid more than $6.6 million to 7,544 soldiers who had deserted or were otherwise absent, according to a July 2006 report by the Government Accountability Office. Most deserters list dissatisfaction with Army life or family problems as primary reasons for their absence, and most go AWOL in the United States. But since 2003, 109 soldiers have been convicted of going AWOL or deserting war zones in Iraq or Afghanistan, usually during their scheduled two-week leaves in the United States, Army officials said. With the Iraq war in its fifth year, a new subset of deserter is emerging, military doctors and lawyers said: accomplished soldiers who abscond reluctantly, as a result of severe emotional trauma from their battle experiences. James, a 26-year-old paratrooper twice deployed to Iraq and Afghanistan, went AWOL in July after being reassigned to Fort Bliss, Tex., an Army post in the mountainous high-desert region near El Paso. “The places I was in in Iraq and Afghanistan look exactly like Fort Bliss,” said James, who agreed to talk about his case on the condition that his last name not be printed. “It starts messing with your head — ‘I’m really back there.’ ” In December, he and another deserter, Ronnie, 28, who also asked that his last name not be used, tried to surrender to the authorities at Fort Bliss. A staff sergeant told them not to bother, James said. James and Ronnie, who both have five years of service, suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder and abuse alcohol to self-medicate, said Dr. David M. Walker, a former Air Force psychiatrist who has examined both men. With help from lawyers, James and Ronnie returned to Fort Bliss on Tuesday. They were charged with desertion and face courts-martial and possibly a few months in a military brig. “If I could stay in the military, get help, that’s what I want,” said Ronnie, who completed an 18-month combat tour in Kirkuk, Iraq, with the 25th Infantry Division in 2004. The Army said combat-related stress had not caused many soldiers to desert. Major Edgecomb, the spokeswoman, said more than 80 percent of the past year’s deserters had been soldiers for less than three years, and could not have been deployed more than once. Morten G. Ender, a sociologist at the United States Military Academy at West Point, said soldiers’ decisions to go AWOL or desert might come in response to a family crisis — a threat by a spouse to leave if they deploy again, for instance, or a child- custody battle. “It’s not just that they don’t want to be in a war zone anymore,” Dr. Ender said. “We saw that a lot during Vietnam, and we see that a lot in the military now.” *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 19) CLOSE CONTACT To Woo Afghan Locals, U.S. Troops Settle In Tactic Wins Friends, Isolates Insurgents, But Boosts Casualties By MICHAEL M. PHILLIPS April 9, 2007; Page A1 WALL STREET JOURNAL [VIA Email from: Walter Lippmann walterlx@earthlink.net ...bw] WAYGAL, Afghanistan -- One sunny morning last month, a group of bearded men stood beside the gurgling Waygal River and stared as a helicopter loaded with heavily armed Americans dropped out of the sky and into their cornfield. The moment the rear ramp opened, the soldiers ran for cover behind stone terraces and leafless trees. They had reason to be wary. These mountains are notorious for sheltering Taliban and al Qaeda fighters, and the soldiers were the first Americans to set foot in Waygal since the Afghan war began in 2001. But instead of a hail of bullets, the soldiers got an invitation to dinner. When First Lt. Eric Malmstrom, a fresh-faced University of Pennsylvania graduate, approached the hirsute reception committee, village leader Ghulam Sakhi's most pressing question was, "Why didn't you come sooner?" A year ago, U.S. commanders here would have been reluctant to insert a small force of infantrymen into a remote village. But, along the Pech River and tributaries such as the Waygal, one 750-man U.S. Army battalion is trying a risky, grueling way to isolate the insurgents and win the support of the villagers. Instead of operating out of safe rear bases and commuting to the war, for the past year the soldiers of the First Battalion, 32nd Infantry Regiment have lived on the battlefield, in a series of small, rudimentary encampments situated among the disputed villages themselves. It's an intimate style of warfare and, for the Americans, a brutal one. They go weeks without showers or decent food. They live every day exposed to enemy fire, and it has cost them dearly. Over the past year, 1-32 has lost 19 men, almost half of the deaths in the entire 5,000-man brigade. The Americans and their Afghan National Army allies live among the people on the valley floor, while the insurgents -- Taliban, al Qaeda and other fighters of various stripes -- are up in the steep, rocky ridges. When the insurgents attack, they fire down on American soldiers and Afghan civilians alike. "The semiotics of it are great," says Lt. Col. Chris Cavoli, commander of 1-32, a unit of the 10th Mountain Division. "You can't buy press like that. The way the fight is constructed is to deliver one message: We're here to protect you, and the bad guys are here to ruin your lives." The battalion's progress comes amid warnings that elsewhere in Afghanistan, the Taliban are resurgent and public faith is sagging in the government of President Hamid Karzai. The United Nations secretary general reported last month that the insurgents are "emboldened by their strategic successes, rather than disheartened by tactical failures." A February study by the Center for Strategic and International Studies, a Washington think tank, said the situation in Afghanistan is "both more perilous and more complex" than at any other time since the U.S.-led coalition toppled the Taliban regime after Sept. 11, 2001. Critics say the setbacks have come in part because the U.S., distracted by the war in Iraq, has too little manpower in Afghanistan to engage in community policing. Striking Results Here, however, the results are striking. A year ago, the Pech Valley, the main artery through the area, was a gantlet of roadside bombings and rocket-propelled grenade fire. Lately there have been just two or three roadside bombs a month, and the locals frequently report them to Afghan or U.S. troops before they explode. A year ago, it took five hours to drive the 19 miles from Asadabad, the nearest big town, to Nangalam, site of the nearest sizable U.S. military base. The road was little more than a goat trail. Now a U.S.-funded, $7.5 million project is turning it into a two-lane, paved road connecting the Pech Valley to, in effect, the rest of the world. Col. Cavoli, a 42-year-old Princeton graduate who spent much of his youth in Italy, argues that the key to defeating the insurgents is having a "persistent presence" among the people, not just "persistent raiding." Placing American and Afghan troops around villages creates a security bubble, he says, that allows the U.S. to pour money into economic-development projects. "The basic idea is to kill the enemy to convince the people that you can and will protect them," says the colonel, a compact man with receding hair and an easy grin. "Then in the breathing space created, you've got to do something to connect the people to the government." The road is central to Col. Cavoli's strategy: It demonstrates the goodwill of the American and Afghan governments by giving the residents a commercial link they desperately need. Already, a hotel is under construction in Nangalam and gas stations are appearing along the river. Once the hard surface is in place, it will be more difficult for insurgents to plant roadside bombs. The construction provides jobs to hundreds of local men who might otherwise be tempted to join the insurgency. And the road lures the insurgents out of the mountains in a way that, Army officers argue, will inevitably alienate them further from the population. The road is popular with the locals; attacking it is not. The Americans now plan more roads, including a $7.5 million stretch to Waygal, the village where Lt. Malmstrom and his men landed recently. In December, the Army and Marine Corps issued a new counterinsurgency doctrine that closely hews to Col. Cavoli's approach, arguing that killing the enemy is less important than building ties to the local populace -- and to do that, American troops may have to take on more risk themselves. "If military forces remain in their compounds, they lose touch with the people, appear to be running scared and cede the initiative to the insurgents," the new manual says. Col. Cavoli is "on the cutting edge of a new approach to counterinsurgency," says Col. John Nicholson, commander of the 3rd Brigade Combat Team. Col. Nicholson's brigade, which includes 1-32, has tripled the number of outposts it inherited from the units it replaced last year. But 1-32 did so in the most hostile part of the brigade's turf. "There is no better case study of modern counterinsurgency than the recent performance" of Col. Cavoli's men, Col. Nicholson says. Over the past couple of months, the Army has tried to put the tactic to work in Iraq, as part of its desperate effort to quell insurgency and sectarian violence in Baghdad. U.S. commanders there are setting up neighborhood security stations, manned by Americans and Iraqis, but it is still too early to see the results. Applying the technique in Iraq is complicated because much of the mayhem is between one Iraqi faction and another. U.S. troops are caught in the middle, supporting an Iraqi government that many Sunni Muslims suspect is the tool of their Shiite Muslim rivals. Even replicating the battalion's progress elsewhere in Afghanistan would be difficult. Col. Cavoli's 750 men have spent a year fighting for public acceptance along just a few dozen miles of river valleys. The military's counterinsurgency doctrine specifies that, at a minimum, one soldier is required for every 50 residents. Although the insurgency is concentrated in the east and south, applying the formula to the entire country would require more than 600,000 troops, a force a dozen times the size of the international coalition now in Afghanistan. Nonetheless, the Pentagon has taken notice of 1-32's gains, and Col. Cavoli's next posting will be to teach counterinsurgency techniques to officers from other NATO nations, which make up about half of the coalition in Afghanistan. For 1-32, the tactic developed almost by accident. The battalion arrived in Afghanistan in early 2006, and it soon became apparent to Col. Cavoli that the Pech Valley would have to be the focus of his efforts. The Marines they replaced had fought out of two large bases, in Asadabad, where the Pech empties into another river, and upstream near Nangalam. When the Marines attacked, the insurgents would fade away, only to return to the valley as soon as the Americans went back to their bases, according to Col. Cavoli. Last April, he ordered one of his company commanders to fight his way west and set up temporary outposts on the Pech between Asadabad and Nangalam. At Patrol Base California, one of several along the river, soldiers lived in the open -- rain, snow or sun -- and slept next to their Humvees, using large, dirt-filled barriers to shield them from insurgent attacks. They did without showers and ate packaged meals. It was supposed to be a short-term fix. Days stretched into weeks and weeks into months, however, as Col. Cavoli realized that his best hope of separating the insurgents from the locals was to keep his men in place. These days they have cots and have built themselves cramped, sandbag bunkers with plywood roofs. But when it rains, their hooches run deep with mud or water, and the small weight-lifting pit turns into a café-au-lait pool. Fending for Themselves The men still clean themselves with baby wipes and use half of a 55-gallon drum as a toilet. Every couple of days they get trays of hot food trucked in, but they frequently fend for themselves, grilling pizzas, toasting biscuits or deep-frying chicken patties over an open fire. Unlike at the major bases, there is no Internet or phone service, no refuge from the war. "I live like an animal here," says Spc. Marcus Whited, a 26-year-old from Wichita, Kan., manning a machine gun atop a Humvee at the camp entrance. "I've never in my life smelled odors like this." When the soldiers got word in January that their yearlong combat tour would be extended by four months, the colonel gave orders that each platoon rotate to Asadabad every two weeks for showers and a couple of days of rest. "It's a hell of a thing to ask men to live like that day after day after day," Col. Cavoli says. But it's no accident; the colonel doesn't want his men living visibly better than their Afghan neighbors. The men at Patrol Base California have been in some 60 firefights. Usually, insurgents move out of the mountains to stony redoubts on the ridges overlooking the U.S. positions, then open fire with machine guns, rifles and rocket-propelled grenades. The Americans, and the Afghan soldiers who share their encampments, return fire with machine guns, automatic grenade launchers, mortars and missiles. Howitzers located in big bases miles away rain shells down on the mountaintops until the insurgents die or withdraw. The proximity of the soldiers to the local residents has indeed led to the intimacy that Col. Cavoli seeks. First Lt. Michael Harrison, a platoon leader in the battalion's Dog Company, studied law and nuclear engineering at West Point, where he was a minor troublemaker, doing punishment marches for such offenses as keeping a rice cooker in his room. But along the Pech River, the 25-year-old has a fan club of neighborhood urchins -- a counterweight to insurgent propaganda that, the military says, claims the Americans are here to convert Muslims to Christianity and eat their children. When the lieutenant approaches Patrol Base California, he lowers the bullet-proof window on his Humvee, reaches out and slaps high-fives with the children. "Michael!" they shout as he passes, mimicking his two-finger peace sign. "Whassup, Hussein? Haircut!" Lt. Harrison says to a close-shaved orphan boy in a dirty-white jersey and loose trousers. He gives a set of baby bottles to a boy whose sister died after giving birth. When he isn't patrolling, the lieutenant spends much of his time sounding out the locals, listening to their troubles and trying to arrange solutions. One recent day he sat on a bit of carpet, sipping sweet yellow tea with a group of police auxiliary officers outside their sandbagged station. Ras Mohamed, a 34-year-old police chief, pointed across the Pech to a small brown-brick house, halfway up the valley wall. "Last year the enemy was coming all the way down there and shooting at jingle trucks," he said, referring to the decorated freight trucks seen everywhere in Afghanistan. "Now they don't dare." Authority of Elders Another day Lt. Harrison chatted up village elders in a small police bunker along the river. The Afghans talked about how they used to set up roadblocks along the valley and ambush Russian tanks with rocket-propelled grenades during the 10-year war with the Soviet Union. "We never talked to them; we just shot at them," said Mohammad Shareen, a 45-year-old elder wearing a black watch cap with a Nike swoosh. The soldiers intentionally reinforce the authority of elders, who traditionally have the power to expel or ostracize miscreants and can serve as a bulwark against younger, hotter heads. The U.S. required the Afghan road contractor to hire at least 450 workers from the Pech Valley itself, but left it to the elders to decide who got what positions. Lt. Harrison "never does anything without asking the elders first," said Mir Azfal, a 25-year-old police auxiliary officer. The Americans have provided other benefits as well, installing small hydropower generators along the Pech River, handing out school supplies for children and setting up makeshift clinics for the ill. "The enemy is more isolated from the people than last year," says 35-year-old Lt. Col. M. Farid Ahmadi, who commands the 400-man Afghan National Army battalion that lives and fights alongside 1-32. "When we separate the...evildoers from the people, it's easy to kill, capture or destroy them. It's difficult to do when the enemy is among the people." Some areas, particularly south of the Pech River, have proved resistant to Col. Cavoli's approaches, however. Elders in the village of Matin initially rejected a U.S. offer to build a bridge connecting them with the new road -- a sign, the soldiers thought, of their ties to the insurgency. Recently the elders changed their minds. Still, Lt. Harrison's night patrols watch for insurgents leaving Matin and crossing the shallows of the Pech to plant explosives on the valley road. Farther south, the Army has found few winnable hearts or minds in the Korangal Valley, an area ethnically and linguistically distinct from the northern bank of the Pech. The people of the Korangal have longtime links to the insurgency, according to the military. The fighting on the mountaintops in that area has been particularly bloody over the past year. "The ones who liked us before like us now," says Pvt. Adam Boguskie, 21, of Spencer County, Ky., his heavy machine gun pointing toward the snowy ridgeline south of the Pech. "The ones who hated us before hate us now. It's all about money. If the Taliban had money, the locals would be bringing them Pepsis up there." The men of 1-32 are due to go home to Fort Drum, N.Y., in June, some 16 months after they arrived in Afghanistan, and Col. Cavoli has been worried that the troops who follow will abandon the relationships his men have spent so much time establishing. Last month his replacement, Lt. Col. Bill Ostlund of the 173rd Airborne Brigade, paid an advance visit to Afghanistan, where Col. Cavoli pitched his up-close-and-personal approach to counterinsurgency. "It would be easy for me as a commander to put people in [rear bases at] Asadabad and Jalalabad and spend a year painting rocks," Col. Cavoli told Col. Ostlund. Pointing to the Pech Valley on a wall map, he continued: "But the people we're trying to help are up here." *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 20) Crop Prices Soar, Pushing Up Cost Of Food Globally New Demand for Biofuels Feeds Inflation Pressure; China, India Feel Pinch By PATRICK BARTA April 9, 2007; Page A1 The Wall Street Journal [VIA Email from: Walter Lippmann walterlx@earthlink.net ...bw] Soaring prices for farm goods, driven in part by demand for crop-based fuels, are pushing up the price of food world-wide and unleashing a new source of inflationary pressure. The rise in food prices is already causing distress among consumers in some parts of the world -- especially relatively poor nations like India and China. If the trend gathers momentum, it could contribute to slower global growth by forcing consumers to spend less on other items or spurring central banks to fight inflation by raising interest rates. Politicians in markets where food costs are a particularly sensitive matter are moving to counter rising prices before they take a bigger economic toll or fuel unrest. But it remains unclear whether those policies will be enough to contain the current pressures, or whether a longer-term bout of food-price inflation -- similar in ways to the recent climb in prices for oil and other commodities -- is in the offing. One of the chief causes of food-price inflation is new demand for ethanol and biodiesel, which can be made from corn, palm oil, sugar and other crops. That demand has driven up the price of those commodities, leading to higher costs for producers of everything from beef to eggs to soft drinks. In some cases, producers are passing the costs along to consumers. Several years of global economic growth -- led by China and India -- is also raising food consumption, further fanning the inflationary pressures. Food-price inflation has been climbing -- in some cases sharply -- in India, China, Europe, and even smaller economies like Turkey, South Africa and Poland. In Hungary, it is running at more than 13% a year, compared with less than 3% in 2005. In China, food prices are climbing at a 6% pace, more than three times the speed of a year ago. Prices are also up in Germany, Italy and the United Kingdom. They may even be picking up in Japan, the world's second-largest national economy, though the signs are tentative since overall prices there are only just starting to rise after a prolonged economic downturn. The U.S., too, is seeing some stirrings, with food costs rising 3.1% in February from the year before -- a rate one percentage point higher than in mid-2005. Economists say U.S. food prices are expected to rise faster than the general rate of inflation this year. Wholesale prices of meat, poultry and eggs have already increased. If the trend continues, U.S. consumers are likely to see higher prices at the supermarket for everything from milk to cereal to soda pop, since corn is used to feed livestock and make high-fructose corn syrup, a key ingredient in many soft drinks. A spokesman for the National Chicken Council, a poultry-industry group, recently testified to a congressional subcommittee that Americans should expect higher chicken prices because of what the group described as "the ethanol crisis." Doomsday predictions of a major food shortage in China and elsewhere have circulated for years but haven't materialized. And some economists believe the recent increase in crop demand probably can be met without severely straining the global economy. They think prices could come back down over time, especially if some countries that have more land that could be put under cultivation -- particularly Brazil -- can greatly increase production. Technological advances, such as better seed varieties, could also help boost production to keep up with demand. In the meantime, higher farm prices aren't bad for everyone. They could help boost incomes for the rural poor in developing nations, who have been bypassed by gains in the manufacturing and service sectors. In some cases, the rising demand for food also reflects the growing wealth of once-destitute populations around the globe. So far, higher prices haven't sparked a major rise in overall global inflation, which remains relatively low and stable by historical standards. Moreover, food prices are notoriously volatile, and some of the increases are due to short-term or local factors that could reverse in time. But many economists believe the forces causing the current bout of food inflation will persist, or recur in years ahead. Many countries are facing shortages of land and water that didn't exist during past food-price spikes, so they can't easily plant more to ease the strain. Researchers at Swiss bank UBS AG note that average food prices in China have grown faster in the past five years than in the previous five, as more agricultural land is taken up for factories or high-rise condominiums. Changes in diets are also exacerbating the problem, as rising incomes allow the Chinese and consumers in many other places to eat more. Some economists contend that China and India appear to be reaching a point at which nothing short of a bumper crop of key commodities will be enough to meet local needs and prevent further surges in food prices. In fact, China and India have achieved historically high production of some crops in recent years, only to see prices continue to climb. Global grain stocks are at their lowest level in 30 years, after several years of strong global economic growth, and could become even tighter if farmers divert more crops to make ethanol or other fuels. By some estimates, about 30% of the U.S. grain harvest is likely to be devoted to ethanol production by 2008, up from 16% in 2006. All of this puts the world's central banks in a bind. Although they have confronted spurts in energy prices, many of them haven't had to cope with prolonged increases in food prices since the 1970s. Since then, food-price inflation has remained relatively benign, even as incomes world-wide have climbed, allowing consumers to beef up their diets. In more recent years, central banks have tried to ignore surges in food prices as long as they didn't get too out of hand, mostly because they tended to be short-lived. A change in weather, for example, could quickly turn a food shortage into a glut, sending prices tumbling. But a more sustained bout of food-price inflation, if it emerges, could force banks to keep interest rates higher than they would otherwise be. India, for one, has increased interest rates several times over the past year in part to combat food-price inflation. "In 1972, the last time grain stocks were this low, the story didn't end well in terms of inflation," says Carl Weinberg, chief economist at High Frequency Economics in Valhalla, N.Y. In those days, inflation soared not just because of higher oil costs but also because of a global jump in food costs, all of which helped trigger a major U.S. recession and a global slowdown. "Food prices were an important part of what started [inflation] rolling" in the 1970s, Mr. Weinberg says. But since the 1970s, the Federal Reserve and some other central banks have come to believe that they can avoid raising interest rates in the face of transitory increases in food and energy prices if they have established enough credibility as inflation fighters to keep such price increases from spilling over to the rest of the economy. Today, the inflation risks may be greatest in developing economies. In the Philippines, food accounts for 50% of the basket of goods included in the consumer-price index, an inflation benchmark. In Thailand, it's about 35%, according to data from Macquarie Bank Ltd. In the U.S., food makes up only about 15% of the CPI. In one bustling open-air market in downtown Shanghai, shoppers say they are paying as much as two times the price they paid last year for green vegetables, and the cost of meat and vegetable oils have also soared. Such blows to the pocketbook "give us more pressure for daily life," says Xu Wen, a 53-year-old retiree who was purchasing some rolled noodles in a small shop last week. Already, she says, she and her husband are spending almost half their monthly income on food -- a percentage that continues to increase over time. "We ordinary people have no way out," she says. "This is something the government needs to be concerned about." Government officials are taking pains to show they are addressing the problem. In December, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao toured a Beijing supermarket to check up on prices, and China has begun limiting the construction of corn-based ethanol plants to ensure there is enough corn for humans and livestock. Chinese officials have even banned new golf courses on farm land and have been unwinding subsidies they once paid to grain distributors to sell excess corn overseas. Still, analysts estimate Chinese stockpiles of surplus corn now stand at only about 30 million metric tons, down from more than 100 million tons at the end of the past decade, as demand picks up. (The Chinese government doesn't provide official estimates of its stockpiles). That would imply that China only has two to three months of surplus supply based on current consumption trends, making the country highly vulnerable if it has a bad crop. Although China remains a net exporter of corn now, analysts believe it will become a net importer sometime in the next few years. Some economists say China will have to take more aggressive steps to prevent future food problems. These changes could include allowing the proliferation of large -- but more efficient -- corporate farms similar to the ones that drove many small growers out of business in the U.S. in recent decades. Such a push would be extremely difficult for China because it needs to preserve jobs for the tens of millions of people who live in rural areas. Pressures are also building in India. Monika Katyal, a 32-year-old homemaker, complains that she has had to cut back on purchases of many luxuries, such as cosmetics, as her family's monthly bill for groceries has climbed as much as 50% in recent months. "I came here to do some shopping for myself, but now it doesn't look like I will be able to do that," she said recently, as she studied the price on a bottle of ketchup in a New Delhi grocery. In addition to raising interest rates, Indian officials have also lifted import duties on corn and barred exports of wheat, to make sure supplies are available for domestic consumption. But it isn't clear whether those and other moves will be enough to make a big difference in the long run. The main problem is that yields of some crops aren't growing fast enough to keep up with India's rapidly increasing food demand. India's corn production, for example, has climbed about 4% a year since 2001, says Amit Sachdev, a New Delhi-area agriculture-industry analyst, while demand has been increasing nearly 5.5% a year. "If I look at the trend line, [it] indicates to me that the requirements are going up much faster than what you can produce" in India, he says. --Lauren Etter, Conor Dougherty, Hanting Tang, Kersten Zhang and Binny Sabharwal contributed to this article. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 21) Injured troops shipped back into battle "Salon has uncovered further evidence that the military sent soldiers with acute post-traumatic stress disorder, severe back injuries and other serious war wounds back to Iraq." By Mark Benjamin April 9, 2007 http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2007/04/09/injured_soldiers/print.html Apr. 09, 2007 | On March 9, Army Spc. Thomas Smith was ordered to board a plane from Fort Benning, Ga., to deploy back to Iraq, even though he was known to be suffering from chronic post-traumatic stress disorder from a previous tour there. Only weeks prior, military doctors determined that Smith should not be allowed around weapons because of his PTSD symptoms, which included bouts of sudden, extreme anger. Smith's medical records, obtained by Salon, also show that doctors had "highly recommended" that Smith not be deployed because of his condition. But that did not stop Smith's commanders from ordering him to Iraq as his unit, the 3,900-strong 3rd Brigade of the 3rd Infantry Division, was rushing to move out as part of President Bush's so-called surge plan for securing Baghdad. "I was told to have my bags in at midnight that night," for the flight, Smith said. "I was sitting there looking at these letters in my hand from my doctors," he recalled in a telephone interview. In order to follow the doctors' recommendations, Smith said, "I had to check myself into the hospital." He avoided the flight by just a few hours. Smith's condition was serious enough that the doctors there kept him hospitalized for nearly two weeks. On March 11, two days after Smith checked himself in, Salon reported on claims by numerous soldiers from Smith's brigade that commanders were pressing injured troops to deploy to Iraq. Soldiers at Fort Benning said that two doctors from the division met with 75 injured soldiers, including Smith, on Feb. 15, in what the troops said was an effort to reevaluate -- and downgrade -- their health problems so that they could be deployed with the rest of the unit. In several cases, medical records provided to Salon supported those allegations, showing the soldiers to be healthier, on paper, than they were prior to that meeting. It remains unclear how many injured troops from the 3rd Brigade were deployed last month. But others continue to come forward who, like Smith, had serious medical problems and narrowly avoided being shipped back to Iraq. The concern of these soldiers is not only that they could worsen their injuries by being deployed, but that they could also be a danger to themselves and the soldiers around them. Their stories add new evidence to accusations that brigade commanders, in desperate need of more troops for the surge were willing to deploy broken soldiers. Hunter Smart, who until recently was a captain in the 3rd Brigade, has experience preparing unit status reports. These detailed accounts showing how many soldiers in a unit are able to deploy to a war zone, make their way up to decision makers in the Pentagon. Smart says he believes brigade commanders were manipulating the reports and pressing injured soldiers to deploy to Iraq. "The unit status report is a big deal," Hunter explained in a phone interview. "You list by name and number the number of soldiers that are hurt and non- deployable," he said. "There was a concerted effort to keep those numbers down." Smart was caught up in those efforts himself. He had suffered a back injury during a previous tour in Iraq when his Bradley Fighting Vehicle crashed, and his injuries were so severe, the Army finally allowed him medical retirement last month, after determining he was no longer fit to serve. Medical retirement from the Army is a lengthy, paperwork-intensive process, one that had started for Smart last December. But to his astonishment, Smart's commanders pushed to deploy him in March, even as the paperwork for his medical retirement was working its way through the bureaucracy. "They were definitely wanting me to be deployed," Smart said. "Up until a few weeks ago, I was set to go on a plane," he said. Smart saved an e-mail exchange in which his battalion commander, Lt. Col. Todd Ratliff, suggests that if the paperwork for Smart's medical retirement was not complete when the unit deployed, Smart might be forced to come along. "If for some reason you are still around when we deploy there is a chance we may take you to support us in Kuwait," Ratliff wrote in an e-mail to Smart on Feb. 16. Smart fought against his redeployment, using the resources available to him as an officer to carefully shepherd his medical retirement papers through the Army bureaucracy just in time. But the experience left him worried about injured enlisted soldiers who were not so lucky -- and left him furious at those in charge. Military commanders "could care less about the soldier's physical and mental welfare, as long as they can shoot straight," Smart said. "Our military is stretched to its breaking point," he added. "Commanders are being backed into a corner in order to produce units that on paper are ready to deploy. They are casting the moral and ethical implications -- and soldiers -- to the side." Smith, the enlisted soldier who was hospitalized, began noticing symptoms of his PTSD within months of returning from Iraq in January 2005, a tour that included significant time in Ramadi, a hotbed of the insurgency. It was nasty, face-to-face work, Smith said, which included a lot of "kicking down doors." Smith's medical records are sadly typical of soldiers beset by PTSD. His doctors have documented agitation, irritability, anxiety, nightmares, flashbacks and a heightened startle response. He has a hard time going out in public. "My family had noticed some big differences with me," after his tour in Iraq, he recalled, including his sudden, intense anger. "They said, 'Hey, you need help.'" Smith sought treatment, and doctors soon diagnosed chronic PTSD. He is now heavily medicated, taking anti-psychotic pills and antidepressants. His records show him struggling with his symptoms as the brigade was gearing up to deploy. On Feb. 8, several military doctors completed a "report of mental status evaluation" on Smith. "It is highly recommended that patient be placed on non-deployable status and have no access to weapons," the doctors wrote. On Feb. 20, another doctor circled "violence risk" on another of Smith's health-assessment forms. But two weeks after that violence-risk notation, Smith found himself just hours away from stepping on to a plane to Iraq. He was running out of time and options. His company commander had already gone to bat for him, with no luck. Smith claims that on two separate occasions, his company commander took his doctors' notes to the brigade commander, Col. Wayne W. Grigsby Jr., in an effort to persuade Grigsby to leave Smith behind in doctors' care. "I've got to hand it to my company commander for trying," Smith said. But Smith said his company commander told him that Grigsby wouldn't budge. Smith resorted to checking himself into the hospital. Privacy rules restrict what Army commanders can say about an individual soldier's medical file. Public affairs officials for the 3rd Infantry Division did not respond to questions for this report on the plight of soldiers who were deployed with injuries. The division surgeon, Lt. Col. George Appenzeller, confirmed in an interview last month that medical officials met with 75 soldiers on Feb. 15. However, Appenzeller maintained that it was to conduct medical exams, update paperwork and make sure injured troops were getting the best healthcare possible. Grigsby, the 3rd Brigade commander, said in an interview last month that the well-being of his soldiers was among his top priorities. He did not deny deploying injured troops, but he asserted that the injured soldiers who were deployed were to be confined to relatively safe jobs. He said those troops would work in a capacity that strictly followed each soldier's "physical profile," a document prepared by doctors spelling out a soldier's physical limitations. But one injured soldier who was deployed to Iraq in March wrote in an e-mail to Salon that her back condition has worsened significantly. "Now my left leg has started to go numb and they are telling me to double up on my meds, which I can't," she wrote. "They are not putting us in safe jobs at all. I still wear all of my gear and by the end of the day the pain is more than unbearable," she added. "I break my [physical] profile pretty much on a daily basis. At this point I will either go back [home] in a wheel chair or paralyzed or worse." "Do what you can," she pleaded in the e-mail, "for the [injured soldiers] that come after me." As Salon revealed in a second report on March 26, the commanders of the 3rd Brigade shipped dozens of injured soldiers to Fort Irwin, Calif., in January as the brigade conducted a month of desert-warfare training. The injured soldiers were put up in two large tents, doing odd jobs and biding their time. Some military experts said they believed commanders were attempting to artificially boost manpower statistics by making it appear that a healthier percentage of the brigade was out in the desert training for Iraq deployment. Both Smith and Smart were among the dozens of soldiers who spent weeks in those tents. Neither could properly train. Smith had already been diagnosed with PTSD at that time, and would awaken at night agitated by the sound of mortars going off in the desert that were used for training. Neither Smith nor Smart was treated for his medical problems while in the desert. In Smart's case, that went directly against the recommendations of his doctors. "I believe taking a month off from his treatment plan will be detrimental to his condition," one chiropractor wrote in Smart's file in late December. "Lack of treatment for this prolonged period of time could cause a setback in his condition that may be difficult to recover." Military families are angered by the treatment of injured soldiers based at Fort Benning. Janie Smith, Thomas' mother, says she was horrified that the Army tried to send her ailing son back to Iraq, which prompted her to contact the media about his predicament. She described him as an outgoing, personable boy. But the 26-year-old man who came back from Iraq is quiet, withdrawn and sometimes suddenly, frighteningly angry, she says. In a restaurant, he sits facing the door, ready to confront an enemy at any moment. His hands constantly shake. "He is an entirely different person," Janie explained in a phone interview. Janie said she was glad when her son first joined the Army. "I was really proud of him," she recalled. But while she is still proud of her son, her feelings for the Army have changed. "They don't care," she said. "I don't know what I'm going to do now." The Army's inspector general and the Government Accountability Office have both launched inquiries since Salon first reported on the deployment of injured troops. There is no indication of when either will issue its findings. -- By Mark Benjamin *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 22) Huge Protest in Iraq Demands U.S. Withdraw By EDWARD WONG April 10, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/world/middleeast/10iraq.html?ref=world BAGHDAD, April 9 — Tens of thousands of protesters loyal to Moktada al-Sadr, the Shiite cleric, took to the streets of the holy city of Najaf on Monday in an extraordinarily disciplined rally to demand an end to the American military presence in Iraq, burning American flags and chanting “Death to America!” Residents said that the angry, boisterous demonstration was the largest in Najaf, the heart of Shiite religious power, since the American-led invasion in 2003. It took place on the fourth anniversary of the fall of Baghdad, and it was an obvious effort by Mr. Sadr to show the extent of his influence here in Iraq, even though he did not appear at the rally. Mr. Sadr went underground after the American military began a new security push in Baghdad on Feb. 14, and his whereabouts are unknown. Mr. Sadr used the protest to try to reassert his image as a nationalist rebel who appeals to both anti-American Shiites and Sunni Arabs. He established that reputation in 2004, when he publicly supported Sunni insurgents in Falluja who were battling United States marines, and quickly gained popularity among Sunnis across Iraq and the region. But his nationalist credentials have been tarnished in the last year, as Sunni Arabs have accused Mr. Sadr’s militia, the Mahdi Army, of torturing and killing Sunnis. Iraqi policemen and soldiers lined the path taken by the protesters, and there were no reports of violence during the day. The American military handed security oversight of the city and province of Najaf to the Iraqi government in December, and the calm atmosphere showed that the Iraqi security forces could maintain control, keeping suicide bombers away from an obvious target. In March, when millions of Shiite pilgrims flocked to the holy cities of the south, Iraqi security forces in provinces adjoining Najaf failed to stop bombers from killing scores of them. Vehicles were not allowed near Monday’s march, and Baghdad had a daylong ban on traffic to prevent outbreaks of violence. During the protest in Najaf, Sadr followers draped themselves in Iraqi flags and waved them to symbolize national unity, and a small number of conservative Sunni Arabs took part in the march. “We have 30 people who came,” said Ayad Abdul Wahab, an agriculture professor in Basra and an official in the Iraqi Islamic Party, a leading fundamentalist Sunni Arab group. “We support Moktada in this demonstration, and we stress our rejection of foreign occupation.” He and his friends together carried a 30-foot-long Iraqi flag. In the four years of war, the only other person who has been able to call for protests of this scale has been Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, Iraq’s most powerful Shiite cleric, who, like Mr. Sadr, has a home in Najaf. The protest was in some ways another challenge to the Shiite clerical hierarchy, showing that in the new Iraq, a violent young upstart like Mr. Sadr can command the masses right in the backyard of venerable clerics like Ayatollah Sistani. Mr. Sadr has increasingly tapped into a powerful desire among Shiites to stand up forcefully to both the American presence and militant Sunnis, and to ignore calls for moderation from older clerics. Lt. Col. Christopher Garver, an American military spokesman in Baghdad, said that American officers had helped officials in Najaf plan security for the event, but that the Iraqis had taken the lead. Colonel Garver and other American officials tried to put the best possible light on the event, despite the fiery words. “We say that we’re here to support democracy,” he said. “We say that free speech and freedom of assembly are part of that. While we don’t necessarily agree with the message, we agree with their right to say it.” The protest unfolded as heavy fighting continued in parts of Diwaniya, a southern city where American and Iraqi forces have been battling cells of the Mahdi Army since Friday. Mr. Sadr issued a statement on Sunday calling for the Mahdi militiamen and the Iraqi forces there to stop fighting each other, but those words went unheeded. Gun battles broke out on Monday, and an American officer said at a news conference that at least one American soldier had been killed and one wounded in four days of clashes. That fighting and the protest in Najaf, as well as Mr. Sadr’s mysterious absence, raise questions about how much control he actually maintains over his militia. Mr. Sadr is obviously still able to order huge numbers of people into the streets, but there has been talk that branches of his militia have split off and now operate independently. In Baghdad, some Mahdi Army cells have refrained in the last two months from attacking Americans and carrying out killings of Sunni Arabs, supposedly on orders from Mr. Sadr, but bodies of Sunnis have begun reappearing in some neighborhoods in recent weeks. The protest in Najaf was made up mostly of young men, many of whom drove down from the sprawling Sadr City section of Baghdad, some 100 miles north, the previous night. They gathered Monday morning in the town of Kufa, where Mr. Sadr has his main mosque, and walked a few miles to Sadrain Square in Najaf. Protesters stomped on American flags and burned them. “No, no America; leave, leave occupier,” they chanted. At Sadrain Square, the protesters listened to a statement read over loudspeakers that was attributed to Mr. Sadr. “Oh Iraqi people, you are aware, as 48 months have passed, that we live in a state of oppression, unjust repression and occupation,” the statement read. “Forty-eight hard months — that make four years — in which we have gotten nothing but more killing, destruction and degradation. Tens of people are being killed every day. Tens are disabled every day.” Mr. Sadr added: “America made efforts to stoke sectarian strife, and here I would like to tell you, the sons of the two rivers, that you have proved your ability to surpass difficulties and sacrifice yourselves, despite the conspiracies of the evil powers against you.” An Interior Ministry employee in a flowing tan robe, Haider Abdul Rahim Mustafa, 23, said that he had come from Basra “to demand the withdrawal of the occupier.” “The occupier supported Saddam and helped him to become stronger, then removed him because his cards were burned,” he said, using an Arabic expression to note that Saddam Hussein was no longer useful to the United States. “The fall of Saddam means nothing to us as long as the alternative is the American occupation.” Estimates of the crowd’s size varied wildly. A police commander in Najaf, Brig. Gen. Abdul Karim al-Mayahi, said there were at least half a million people. Colonel Garver said that military reports had estimates of 5,000 to 7,000. Residents and other Iraqi officials said there were tens of thousands, and television images of the rally seemed to support their estimates. The colonel declined to give any information on the whereabouts of Mr. Sadr, though American military officials said weeks ago that they believed he is in Iran. Mr. Sadr’s aides declined to say where he is, but previously they have said he remained in Iraq. In Diwaniya, hospital officials said their wards were overwhelmed by casualties. There was a shortage of food and oxygen, and ambulances were being blocked from the scene of combat, said Dr. Hamid Jaati, the city’s health director. The main hospital received 13 dead Iraqis and 41 injured ones over the weekend, he added. The fighting started Friday after the provincial council and governor called for the Iraqi Army and American forces to take on the Sadr militiamen. The governor and 28 of 40 council members belong to a powerful Shiite party called the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq, which is the main rival to the Sadr organization. Sadr officials have accused the party of using the military to carry out a political grudge, but the governor, Khalil Jalil Hamza, denied that on Monday. In Diyala Province, northeast of Baghdad, a suicide car bomb killed three civilians and wounded four thers on Sunday night, police officials said Monday. Also in Diyala, a local politician was fatally shot on Monday in Hibhib, and three bodies were found in Khalis. Iraqi employees of The New York Times contributed reporting from Najaf and Diwaniya. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 23) High Stakes: Chávez Plays the Oil Card “Chávez poses a much bigger threat to America’s energy security than Saddam Hussein ever did.” By SIMON ROMERO and CLIFFORD KRAUSS April 10, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/business/worldbusiness/10showdown.html CARACAS, Venezuela, April 9 — With President Hugo Chávez setting a May 1 deadline for an ambitious plan to wrest control of several major oil projects from American and European companies, a showdown is looming here over access to some of the most coveted energy resources outside the Middle East. Moving beyond empty threats to cut off all oil exports to the United States, officials have recently stepped up the pressure on the oil companies operating here, warning that they might sell American refineries meant to process Venezuelan crude oil even as they seek new outlets in China and elsewhere around the world. “Chávez is playing a game of chicken with the largest oil companies in the world,” said Pietro Pitts, an oil analyst who publishes LatinPetroleum, an industry magazine based here. “And for the moment he is winning.” But this confrontation could easily end up with everyone losing. The biggest energy companies could be squeezed out of the most promising oil patch in the Western Hemisphere. But Venezuela risks undermining the engine behind Mr. Chávez’s socialist-inspired revolution by hampering its ability to transform the nation’s newly valuable heavy oil into riches for years to come. As Mr. Chávez asserts much greater control over Venezuela’s oil industry, his national oil company, Petróleos de Venezuela, is already showing signs of stress. Management has become increasingly politicized, and money for maintenance and development is being diverted to pay for a surge in public spending. During the last several decades, control of global oil reserves has steadily passed from private companies to national oil companies like Petróleos de Venezuela. According to a new Rice University study, 77 percent of the world’s 1.148 trillion barrels of proven reserves is in the hands of the national companies; 14 of the top 20 oil-producing companies are state- controlled. The implications are potentially stark for the United States, which imports 60 percent of its oil. State companies tend to be far less efficient and innovative, and far more politicized. No place captures the shift in power to nationalist governments like Venezuela. “We are on a collision course with Chávez over oil,” said Michael J. Economides, an oil consultant in Houston who wrote an influential essay comparing Mr. Chávez’s populist appeal in Latin America with the pan-Arabism of Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi of Libya two decades ago. “Chávez poses a much bigger threat to America’s energy security than Saddam Hussein ever did.” Consider the quandary facing Exxon Mobil after its chairman, Rex W. Tillerson, recently suggested that Exxon might be forced to abandon a major Venezuelan oil project because of its growing troubles with Mr. Chávez. The energy world took notice. So did Mr. Chávez’s government. Only a day later, Venezuelan agents raided Exxon’s offices here in the San Ignacio towers, a bastion for this country’s business elite. The government said that the raid was part of a tax investigation, but energy analysts said the exchange of threat and counterthreat was all too clear. Politics and ideology are driving the confrontation here as Mr. Chávez seeks to limit American influence around the world, starting in Venezuela’s oil fields. Mr. Chávez views the Bush administration as a threat, in part because it indirectly supported a coup that briefly removed him from power five years ago. Yet the United States remains Venezuela’s largest customer. Mr. Chávez recently decreed that Venezuela would take control of heavy oil fields in the Orinoco Belt, a region southeast of Caracas of so much potential that some experts say it could give the country more reserves than Saudi Arabia. The United States Geological Survey describes the area as the “largest single hydrocarbon accumulation in the world,” making it highly coveted despite Mr. Chávez’s erratic policies. By setting a May 1 deadline for what some foreign oil executives consider an expropriation, the Venezuelan leader risks losing Exxon, ConocoPhillips and other companies, which are loath to put their employees and billions of dollars in assets under Venezuelan management. A departure of expertise and investment could weaken an oil industry already unsettled by being transformed into Mr. Chávez’s most crucial tool for carrying out his reconfiguration of Venezuelan society. Mr. Chávez has raised taxes on foreign oil companies and forced other oil ventures to come under his government’s control. And he has purged more than 17,000 employees from Petróleos de Venezuela after a debilitating strike about four years ago. The talks have bogged down over how much the oil companies’ stakes in four big Orinoco projects are worth, whether Venezuela’s cash-short oil company would pay for the assets in oil instead of cash and, most important, who would manage the reduced operations of the foreign oil companies. Still prevented from producing oil in places like Saudi Arabia and Mexico, the companies desperately want to hold on to their Venezuelan reserves. Companies like Exxon, whose Venezuelan assets were nationalized in the 1970s and returned to it in the 1990s, know the pitfalls of operating here and figure that Mr. Chávez will not be around forever. With oil prices at high levels, oil-rich countries as varied as Angola, Norway and Russia are also waiting to see how the talks unfold. Governments in Kazakhstan and Nigeria are trying to negotiate better terms with foreign oil companies as well. But none are doing so with Mr. Chávez’s revolutionary flourish. “It is a defining moment,” said Christopher Ruppel, a geopolitical risk analyst at John S. Herold Inc., the energy consulting firm. Last week, Rafael Ramírez, Venezuela’s energy minister, sent a chilling signal to the oil companies, saying Venezuela might sell refineries in Texas and Louisiana that process crude from Exxon’s Venezuelan oil fields. Analysts say Venezuela could be setting the stage to produce much less oil in ventures with American oil companies for export to the United States. The oil companies decline to talk publicly about the negotiations, but people in the industry say Exxon and ConocoPhillips, two of the largest American companies in Venezuela, are digging in their heels. The companies, however, lack a united front: Chevron is expected to accept Mr. Chávez’s terms, since it is also negotiating access to a large natural gas project in Venezuela. “If the majors want to negotiate a settlement, they have to be able to let Chávez save face and look like he has won this with his people,” said Michael S. Goldberg, head of the international dispute resolution group at Baker Botts, a law firm in Houston that represents many of the major oil companies around the world. For decades, Venezuela has been a leading supplier of oil to American refineries, a resilient economic relationship that remains intact despite deteriorating political ties. Venezuela is the fourth-largest supplier of oil to the United States, accounting for more than 10 percent of American oil imports. Once Venezuela’s heavy oil is counted, its reserves may surpass those of Saudi Arabia or Canada, though the oil will be worthless without ventures to extract it. American oil producers are drawn here by Venezuela’s 80 billion barrels of proven oil reserves, among the largest outside the Middle East. But Mr. Chávez is chipping away at those ties by forming ventures with state oil companies from China, Iran, India and Brazil. Venezuelan exports of oil and refined products to the United States fell 8.2 percent to a 12-year low in 2006 of about 1.3 million barrels a day, according to the Energy Information Administration. Meanwhile, Mr. Chávez has accepted higher shipping costs to reach China, expanding exports tenfold to about 160,000 barrels a day since 2004. “If the United States wants to diversify its oil supplies for reasons of national security, then Venezuela should be allowed to diversify its customer base for the same reason,” said Mazhar al-Shereidah, an Iraqi-born petroleum economist who is one of Venezuela’s leading energy experts. But even under the best of circumstances, China’s retooling of its refineries to handle Venezuela’s sour, or high-sulfur, crude oil could take five to seven years. And it is not clear whether Mr. Chávez’s new foreign energy partners are prepared to invest heavily until they are confident they can trust him. In a country where many facets of life are politicized, output levels are no exception. Venezuela says it produces 3.3 million barrels a day, but OPEC officials say production is closer to 2.5 million, 1 million barrels less than in 1999 when Mr. Chávez’s presidency began. No one sees an immediate crisis at Petróleos de Venezuela. But its windfall from high oil prices masks the devilish complexity and rising costs of producing heavy oil. Meanwhile, the company acknowledged last month that spending on “social development” almost doubled in 2006, to $13.3 billion, while its spending on exploration badly trailed its global peers. And Petróleos de Venezuela’s work force has ballooned to 89,450, up 29 percent since 2001 even as production declined. Independent analysts are alarmed by a troubling increase in explosions and refining accidents during the last two years, which authorities brush off as sabotage. Mr. Ramírez, the energy minister, declined repeated requests for an interview. With heavily subsidized domestic oil consumption surging, the government spends an estimated $9 billion to keep gasoline prices under 20 cents a gallon. Moreover, Mr. Chávez uses Petróleos de Venezuela to finance other nationalizations, like its $739 million purchase of an electric utility in Caracas from the AES Corporation. Petróleos de Venezuela’s cash is said to be running short as Mr. Chávez uses its revenue to cement political alliances with Bolivia, Cuba and Nicaragua. The company has borrowed more than $11 billion since the start of the year, a rapid debt buildup that reflects a wager by Mr. Chávez that oil prices will remain high indefinitely. Simon Romero reported from Caracas, Clifford Krauss from Houston. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 24) General Wants Increased Troops Into Fall By THE NEW YORK TIMES April 10, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/world/middleeast/10troops.html WASHINGTON, April 9 — The top American commander in Iraq has recommended that reinforced troop levels in Iraq be maintained at least through September, Pentagon officials said Monday. The commander, Gen. David H. Petraeus, recommended that the current level of 20 ground combat brigades be maintained into the fall, they said. Pentagon officials are examining options for how to maintain the buildup. A leading option is to extend the deployment of four ground combat brigades and an aviation brigade, which have a combined strength of more than 15,000 troops. President Bush announced in January that five additional combat brigades were to be deployed in Iraq as part of a troop buildup. Lt. Gen. Raymond T. Odierno, the day-to-day commander of American forces in Iraq and the second-ranking official there, has advised that the increased troop levels are needed through February 2008. Additional deployments and tour extensions would be required to maintain such an increase into the early part of 2008. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 25) U.S. Raid on an Immigrant Household Deepens Anger and Mistrust By NINA BERNSTEIN April 10, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/nyregion/10suffolk.html?ref=nyregion EAST HAMPTON, N.Y. — Awakened by banging on the front door and the shouts of strangers inside her family’s sprawling suburban home, Erica Leon, 12, thought at first that the house was on fire. Then her bedroom door burst open, she said, and armed men in blue bulletproof vests pushed in, demanding to know if she was hiding someone. They pressed on to the room where 4-year-old Carson was asleep with their mother, and pulled off the covers. “They started screaming at my mom real bad,” Erica said. “I wasn’t crying, but I was, like, terrified. Like, who are you guys?” They were federal immigration agents hunting for an illegal immigrant — Erica’s long-absent father, Patrizio Wilson Garcia, who was ordered deported after his 2003 divorce from Erica’s mother, Adriana, and has not lived in the house since. But they had entered a three-generation immigrant household where everyone was an American citizen by naturalization or birth. To the Leon family, Hispanics who have owned their house here on Copeces Lane for seven years, the early-morning raid on Feb. 20 seemed like the ultimate indignity in a history of hostile scrutiny. But to some residents, it was an overdue response by federal authorities to long-simmering concerns about illegal immigration on Long Island’s East End. Since 2000, neighbors’ complaints about the family’s volleyball games, their many cars, their living arrangements, even the fallen tree limbs in their yard, have prompted more than 18 inspections by town code enforcers and repeated surveillance by the town police, records show. Often officials found nothing to cite; occasionally they issued notices of violations that ended in court fines. Typically, the Leons complied with official demands, only to face fresh complaints. Federal immigration officials would not say what had prompted the raid, which swept into four other East Hampton houses and rounded up three dozen illegal immigrants. But the operation had nothing to do with town code enforcement, the officials said, or with Steve Levy, the Suffolk County executive, who has won national attention by vowing to move against illegal immigrants the federal government ignores. They also said Erica’s grandmother let them in, providing consent for a search that others in the household could not legally stop. Residents on both sides see the raid — the first in recent memory in this wealthy beachfront community — as the latest escalation in a wave of crackdowns driven by complaints against immigrants at every level of government. And it points to a sense of frustration in both camps that is making Suffolk County one of the hotbeds of the nation’s immigration debate. “People here are fed up,” said Richard Herrlin, a neighbor of the Leons’ who welcomed the raid and described himself as a builder of $20 million mansions. “It’s possible the feds showed up because the town officials have done nothing for years, because the town is terrified of being accused of racial insensitivity.” For him and some others in the neighborhood, where large wooded lots and winding roads bring to mind rural New England, irritation over what they described as the Leons’ noise, trash and traffic has fed on deeper anger over an influx of Hispanic illegal immigrants on the East End. There are festering grievances about taxes, schools crowded with Spanish speakers and homes turned into rooming houses. For the Leons and other immigrant families, meanwhile, confusion over what civil rights, if any, apply in such raids heightens new feelings of vulnerability. “Your house is supposed to be where you’re safe, right?” said Andres Leon, 22, Erica’s uncle. “When you see police, you’re supposed to feel protected. But the way they acted, we don’t feel protected; we feel violated.” Ms. Leon, now remarried, had even obtained an order of protection against Mr. Garcia before their divorce ended his temporary legal status and led to the deportation order. In a strange twist, that became the legal basis for a Fugitive Operations team of seven agents to bang on the Leons’ door at 5 a.m. Like the family’s American life, the house, on 3.8 acres in a middle-class section, is still a work in progress. But it is now valued at about $1 million, nearly four times what the Leons paid for it in 2000, before they added 70 percent more finished space, step by step, with earnings from housecleaning, carpentry and a home beauty salon. The first to arrive in the United States, more than 25 years ago, was Ramon Leon, who works as a cabinetmaker for Central Kitchen Corporation in Southampton. It took him years to win permanent residency under the 1986 immigration amnesty, and years more to bring his wife, Elena, and three children — Adriana, Jazmin and Andres — to join him legally. Erica and her little sister had to be left behind in Ecuador for seven years and joined their mother only three years ago. The household now comprises six adults and five children. By the spring of 2002, neighbors were complaining that two volleyball courts built by the Leons had become the site of large, sometimes raucous sporting events that drew dozens of people. All over East Hampton, such games were a flashpoint between longtime residents and Latino immigrants, whose numbers were soaring. And the clashes fueled resentments that helped elect local politicians who promised to crack down on illegal immigrants or “quality of life” violations. Despite complaints and petitions, officials were unable to shut down the games. At the Leons’, for example, the East Hampton police reported no violations after surveillance over a three-day weekend in 2002 found 15 to 40 people, most of them playing volleyball; 20 vehicles “all registered and legally parked”; and “very little noise.” But the games had stopped by 2004, after Adriana, 30, married Norman Aguilar, who took over his father-in- law’s share of the mortgage. “I don’t want any problems,” said Mr. Aguilar, who was born in Costa Rica and is a manager at a newspaper distribution company, as well as an agent for a financial services company, Primerica. “I just want to live in peace.” By then, however, neighborhood complaints seemed to have a life of their own. When Jazmin Leon opened her one-chair home beauty salon — allowed under the residential code — neighbors tried to shut it down over the scissors sign seen through the picture window. When Mr. Aguilar painted a rock white, a neighbor produced town surveys to show that it jutted over his property line by three or four inches. “My wife wanted to sell the house,” Mr. Aguilar said. “I told her no, anywhere you go, you’ll have the same problems. I feel like for us it’s, like, getting harder in this town. The laws that they’re putting on us, it’s, like, against Hispanic people.” Some residents say the town does not enforce codes the same way against city people in time shares, or houses crowded with Irish summer workers. “Profiling is not about who you raid, it’s who you don’t raid — who gets the winks and who gets the handcuffs,” said Amado Ortiz, 60, an American-born architect who joined the board of OLA, a Latino immigrant advocacy group, after being “radicalized,” he said, by an increasingly anti-Hispanic climate. William E. McGintee, the town supervisor, dismissed such complaints of bias as “nonsense.” “We don’t have a large influx of illegal immigrants from Russia,” he said. “We have Ecuadoreans, we have Peruvians, we have Mexicans. We don’t know who is living in those houses; we get complaints, and it’s complaint-driven.” But the limited effect of such complaints only heightens the frustration of residents like Lucinda Murphy, a registered nurse who volunteered that she and her husband, Sean, a television news producer, had often called the police about cars parked at the Leons’. Ms. Murphy, who has three children, voiced larger misgivings about illegal immigrants with children in the local school. She called them “freeloaders.” “I’m paying taxes, they’re not,” she said. “Yet their kids still get to go to school with the privileges of my kids. I resent it.” City dwellers with weekend houses on Copeces Lane have also complained about the Leons, upset that property values could be hurt by the less-upscale Latinos, said Richard Dunn, 65, an East Hampton teacher. “This is a town that’s driven by money and real estate,” he said. “People who are so concerned about Latinos feel they’re being driven out.” His own house is cleaned by Adriana Leon and her mother. “I have nothing but good feelings for them,” he said. On the morning of the raid, Mr. Aguilar, 40, had already left for work. He returned to find the shaken family reading the Bible together in the kitchen. For a time, the house became a gathering place for immigrants rounded up at other houses that morning, who were mostly released with notices to appear at deportation proceedings. Their accounts of the raids galvanized a group of local clergy, Hispanic activists and even a religious organization based in Costa Rica that flew in counselors. “It would appear that in the war against terrorism, agents of our nation are now acting in the role of terrorizers,” the group of local clergy, East End Clergy Concerned, wrote their congressman in a letter asking for an investigation. Mr. Aguilar tried to file a complaint about the raid with the town police but was rebuffed. “We don’t conduct investigations on another law enforcement agency,” Todd Sarris, the chief of police, explained. Nor was the raid a mistake, said Christopher Shanahan, director of deportation and removal for Immigration and Customs Enforcement in the New York region. “We would like to find fugitive aliens at 100 percent of the locations we go to, but it’s not an exact science,” he said. No records are kept to show how often the teams find the fugitives they are seeking. And the rules for the searches are murky. Unlike a criminal search warrant, which requires a judge to review the evidence and find probable cause for a search, the “administrative warrant” used by immigration agents is approved only by the team’s supervisor — and is valid only with the consent of the occupants, Mr. Shanahan said. But in what he described as standard practice, that consent bears little resemblance to what laymen or constitutional scholars expect. Once Erica’s grandmother let agents over the threshold, Mr. Shanahan said, there was no turning back. “Due to officer safety needs, they can look into other areas, to clear rooms,” he said. But he added: “If officers did something to humiliate people, I want to know about it. We are very adamant that we want our officers to be professional.” On a recent afternoon, back from a seventh-grade civics lesson on the separation of powers, Erica spoke about what had changed since the raid. “My mom wanted me to sleep in her room so I wouldn’t be scared,” she said. “Sometimes, we have heard, they take parents away from the children, or they take children from the parents.” When the agents left, she remembered, “they said they might come back.” *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 26) In East Harlem School Closing, Talk of a Class Divide By DAVID GONZALEZ April 10, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/nyregion/10citywide.html?ref=nyregion Lourdes Velasquez has seen it all in East Harlem. In the old days, it was a neighborhood for poor and working-class families. In the bad days, it was beset by guns and drugs. And now? Doormen. New high-rise buildings. Higher prices at the local supermarket. Young couples pushing strollers that cost more than a month’s rent in yet-to-be-renovated buildings. While she resented these gentrifiers who “discovered” the only neighborhood she has known for all of her 35 years, she also tried to ensure that her daughter, Chrystal, would be able to deal with the changes. She sent the girl to St. Francis de Sales School on East 97th Street off Lexington Avenue, paying $3,000 a year to give her the kind of Catholic education that enabled previous generations of working-class children to become professionals. But now St. Francis de Sales School itself may be joining the gentry. Ms. Velasquez and the other parents of almost 200 students in the school’s eight grades were abruptly told in early March that the school would close in June. But officials at the Archdiocese of New York, as well as other parents and clergy familiar with recent events, said they expected that the school would reopen in a year, possibly as a more expensive private academy or preschool. “They just want us out to make room for the new and improved people,” Ms. Velasquez said. “There is a plan for this neighborhood. I mean, look at First Avenue. They got doormen! It’s all connected. Look at Second Avenue. Why do they want to finish the subway now? These are not different issues. It’s all connected.” A little more than a decade ago, archdiocesan officials considered the school exemplary in its efforts to educate students in East Harlem. Then it was known as St. Francis de Sales & St. Lucy Academy, with some 600 students in two buildings. (Full disclosure: this reporter wrote a long article about the school’s success and was later made an honorary eighth-grade graduate). Falling enrollment led to St. Lucy’s closing three years ago. St. Francis de Sales continued as its own school in its building on East 97th Street, serving the working-class families, even as new and more expensive housing was springing up all over the neighborhood, including a high-rise next door. Parents saw the school — located in a pristine, if bland, red-brick building — as a haven that nurtured their dreams for their children. But as the neighborhood changed, so did things at the school. A new pastor, the Rev. Victor Muzzin, came in about three years ago, inheriting a school that had had a stormy relationship with its previous pastor. A new principal soon followed. Father Muzzin said he arrived at the parish to find $1,000 in its account and the school in debt. The school, he said, now has a $250,000 deficit. Tuition was raised only recently to $3,000 a year from $2,600 a year. Numbers like that, he said, made it hard to keep it open. “I am not the kind of pastor who wakes up and says, ‘Gee, I have a $250,000 debt.’ I saw it coming three years earlier,” Father Muzzin said. “There was no hope for me to save this school.” An archdiocesan spokeswoman said that the decision to close the school was the parish’s, but that the archdiocese accepted it. Nor was it tied to the recent announcement that another shuttered Catholic school in Greenwich Village will reopen as a Catholic academy, with annual tuition approaching $25,000, said the spokeswoman, Jacqueline Lofaro. “They felt they could not support the school in its current incarnation,” Ms. Lofaro said. “What they plan to do is step back for a year and reopen it as some kind of parish school.” Just what kind remains to be seen. Father Muzzin said he had no plans at the moment, and that he was not inclined to rent out the school building to another private, secular school. Many parents said that might be because he wants to open a more expensive academy there. A little over a year ago, Father Muzzin said as much in the Sunday bulletin distributed at Mass. In it, he described how the school — which parents said served primarily black and Latino students — needed to attract a greater “variety of people” from the area. “Some parents have to wake up to the realization that they cannot afford Catholic Education,” he wrote. “Period.” The pastor’s message became clearer a few lines later: “I see the day in the not distant future when it will become the school of choice of all the Catholic parents in the neighborhood who now send their children to prestigious and pricey private schools,” he wrote. “Why spend $25,000 when you can get the same thing for much, much less?” The bluntness of his comments riled many parents, who felt betrayed. After several generations of the church’s siding with the poor, parents saw in the remarks their pastor declaring a preferential option for the middle class. “But he wants the black and Hispanic children out first,” said Helen Torres, whose granddaughter Alexis attends the school. “Ninety-sixth Street is an up-and-coming area. But 30 years ago, it was us, the immigrants and the working class who donated our little pennies faithfully. He is turning his back on this community.” Father Muzzin countered that many of the students in the school were actually from other neighborhoods and commuted there with their parents, who worked at nearby hospitals. (A former teacher said the school has always drawn about a third of its students from commuters). “They dump their kids here, but they’re not creating a community,” Father Muzzin said. “What has changed is East Harlem is now creating community. From the dump it was in the ’90s, now it is a flourishing community.” He added that there were other Catholic schools in East Harlem that had improved. But he noted that with all the changes in the southern fringe of the neighborhood, middle-class parents needed other educational options, too. “They pay $3,000 rent for an apartment, and they have these jobs, which are O.K. and provide them with money, but at the end of the day they are under the same pressure as the poor who want to do good for themselves,” he said. “There is the poor middle class. What has the church done for them?” He suggested that while he could not see himself opening an academy charging $25,000 a year or more, some local families might respond to a Catholic school charging $12,000. “These are the people who come to church and leave the little money that keeps the place open before the marshal comes to close it down,” he said. Last Wednesday, children and parents huddled outside the school in the drizzle at the start of Easter recess. Down the block, a construction crew went about finishing a glass and metal sliver of a building that sprouted on what had been a parking lot. Across the street, an otherwise plain red-brick building that had been renovated only recently was for sale as a townhouse. Benedicta Almeida, a retired seamstress, slowly walked away with her granddaughter, Faith Angelique, a first grader at the school. The child, whom she is raising, was doing well when she attended preschool at St. Francis de Sales. First grade has been a little rockier: her mother died from cancer last year. “It has been a trauma,” she said. “She did not eat or sleep for a while. She still cries.” Ms. Almeida feels like crying herself. She, like many other parents, said the closing came without warning. She has yet to find another school for the girl. “This has affected her,” she said. “She is disoriented. She asks me: ‘Where am I going? What will happen to me?’ ” Ms. Velasquez is asking the same questions when it comes to her neighborhood. First St. Lucy’s closed. Now St. Francis de Sales. She is not taking a chance with another local school and plans to send her daughter, Chrystal, now a sixth grader, to a school on the West Side. “I am all for progress, but do they have to push us out?” she asked. “My daughter has been in two schools that closed. It’s ridiculous. Everybody is going to leave. It’s ridiculous, but that’s what they want us to do.” *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 27) Reflections by the Commander in Chief A BRUTAL REPLY Fidel Castro Ruz April 10, 2007 http://www.cuba.cu/gobierno/discursos/2007/ing/f100407i.html George W. Bush is undoubtedly the most genuine representative of a system of terror forced on the world by the technological, economic and political superiority of the most powerful country known to this planet. For this reason, we share the tragedy of the American people and their ethical values. The instructions for the verdict issued by Judge Kathleen Cardone, of the El Paso Federal Court last Friday, granting Luis Posada Carriles freedom on bail, could only have come from the White House. It was President Bush himself who ignored at all times the criminal and terrorist nature of the defendant who was protected with a simple accusation of immigration violation leveled at him. The reply is brutal. The government of the United States and its most representative institutions had already decided to release the monster. The backgrounds are well-known and reach far back. The people who trained him and ordered him to destroy a Cuban passenger plane in midair, with 73 athletes, students and other Cuban and foreign travelers on board, together with its dedicated crew; those who bought his freedom while the terrorist was held in prison in Venezuela, so that he could supply and practically conduct a dirty war against the people of Nicaragua, resulting in the loss of thousands of lives and the devastation of a country for decades to come; those who empowered him to smuggle with drugs and weapons making a mockery of the laws of Congress; those who collaborated with him to create the terrible Operation Condor and to internationalize terror; the same who brought torture, death and often the physical disappearance of hundreds of thousands of Latin Americans, could not possibly act any different. Even though Bush‚s decision was to be expected, it is certainly no less humiliating for our people. Thanks to the revelations of „Por Esto!‰ a Mexican publication from the state of Quintana Roo later complemented by our own sources, Cuba knew with absolute precision how Posada Carriles entered from Central America, via Cancun, to the Isla Mujeres departing from there on board the Santrina, after the ship was inspected by the Mexican federal authorities, heading with other terrorists straight to Miami. Denounced and publicly challenged with exact information on the matter, since April 15, 2005, it took the government of that country more than a month to arrest the terrorist, and a year and two months to admit that Luis Posada Carriles had entered through the Florida coast illegally on board the Santrina, a presumed school-ship licensed in the United States. Not a single word is said of his countless victims, of the bombs he set off in tourist facilities in recent years, of his dozens of plans financed by the government of the United States to physically eliminate me. It was not enough for Bush to offend the name of Cuba by installing a horrible torture center similar to Abu Ghraib on the territory illegally occupied in Guantánamo, horrifying the world with this procedure. The cruel actions of his predecessors seemed not enough for him. It was not enough to force a poor and underdeveloped country like Cuba to spend 100 billion dollars. To accuse Posada Carriles was tantamount to accusing himself. Throughout almost half a century, everything was fair game against our small island lying 90 miles away from its coast, wanting to be independent. Florida saw the installation of the largest station for intelligence and subversion that ever existed on this planet. It was not enough to send a mercenary invasion on the Bay of Pigs, costing us 176 dead and more than 300 wounded at a time when the few medical specialists they left us had no experience treating war wounds. Earlier still, the French ship La Coubre carrying Belgian weapons and grenades for Cuba had exploded on the docks of Havana Harbor. The two well synchronized explosions caused the deaths of more than 100 workers and wounded others as many of them tool part in the rescue attempts. It was not enough to have the Missile Crisis of 1962, which brought the world to the brink of an all-consuming thermonuclear war, at a time when there were bombs 50 times more powerful than the ones dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. It was not enough to introduce in our country viruses, bacteria and fungi to attack plantations and flocks; and incredible as it may seem, to attack human beings. Some of these pathogens came out of American laboratories and were brought to Cuba by well-known terrorists in the service of the United States government. Add to all this the enormous injustice of keeping five heroic patriots imprisoned for supplying information about terrorist activities; they were condemned in a fraudulent manner to sentences that include two life sentences and they stoically withstand cruel mistreatment, each of them in a different prison. Time and again the Cuban people have fearlessly faced the threat of death. They have demonstrated that with intelligence, using appropriate tactics and strategies, and especially preserving unity around their political and social vanguard, there can be no force on this earth capable of defeating them. I think that the coming May Day celebration would be the ideal day for our people, --using the minimum of fuel and transportation-- to show their feelings to the workers and the poor of the world. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 28) Now the South Erupts Inter Press Service Ali al-Fadhily* http://www.dahrjamailiraq.com/hard_news/archives/iraq/000564.php#more BASRA, Apr 11 (IPS) - The eruption of demonstrations in the south of Iraq this week could rob the occupation forces of what was considered a critical bastion of support. The southern areas of Iraq have long been said to be secure, and people there peaceful towards the occupation forces. Iraqis living in the south were also believed to be cooperative with the occupation to the extent that they supported administrative steps taken by successive Iraqi governments. The majority of the population of the south are Shia Muslims, and Iraq has had Shia- dominated governments under the occupation. But demonstrations against the occupation and the United States by hundreds of thousands of angry Shias in Najaf, Kut and other cities across the south Apr. 9 mark a sharp break from a policy of cooperation. Protesters demanded an end to the U.S.-led occupation, burnt U.S. flags and chanted "Death to America!" Brig. Gen. Abdul Karim al-Mayahi, a police commander in Najaf, told reporters that at least half a million people joined the demonstration there. Lt. Col. Christopher Garver, a U.S. military spokesman in Baghdad, told reporters, "We say that we're here to support democracy. We say that free speech and freedom of assembly are part of that. While we don't necessarily agree with the message, we agree with their right to say it." Clashes after the demonstration left at least one U.S. soldier dead and another wounded in Diwaniyah, 180 km south of Baghdad. "We have been patient and we have sacrificed a lot thinking the situation would be better one day soon," Hussein Ali, a teacher from Diwaniyah told IPS. "The result we see now is that we were dragged into a swamp of hatred between brothers, and that all the bloodshed was for the sake of war leaders to get more power and fortune." Fighting is continuing in Diwaniyah between the occupation forces and the Mehdi Army led by Shia cleric Muqtada al-Sadr. Additional U.S. and Iraqi troops have been brought into the city to make arrests and carry out door-to-door raids in search of illegal weapons and wanted militiamen. Muqtada al-Sadr, quiet for a considerable period after clashing with U.S. troops early on in the occupation period, publicly called on his militia to attack occupation troops. So far this month, five occupation troops have been killed every day on average, according to U.S. Department of Defence figures. The new Shia armed uprising, which appears to be in its early days, is a further blow to occupation forces that are already stretched thin. "Four years of patience and what do we get?" Ali Hashim, a merchant from the southern city Basra told IPS. "We got nothing but the loss of our country to those who spoke a lot but did nothing. The United States failed us and sold us cheap to those who would have no mercy on us." Mahmood al-Lamy, a historian from Basra told IPS the situation there was critical. "Basra is the biggest southern city and the only Iraqi city that has a port near the Gulf. It is now controlled by various militias who fight each other from time to time over an oil smuggling business that is flourishing under the occupation." Lamy said residents fear that "the situation here will be a lot worse in the coming months due to disputes that are appearing between major parties." Lamy was referring to the withdrawal last month of the al-Fadhila Party from the Shia Islamic Coalition Parliament Group, and the dismissal of two ministers from the al-Sadr movement as a punishment for contacting U.S. officials in Nasiriyah in southern Iraq. The Shia political group is increasingly divided over many issues, and it seems unlikely that it will hold together. But many of the groups are increasingly opposed to the occupation. "We were late to realise that we were wrong about U.S. intentions," Salman Yassen of the Basra city municipality council told IPS. "We waited four years while U.S. and Iraqi authorities kept us busy fighting each other while they were setting the plan of stealing our oil and tearing our country apart so that their allies would feel safe." Four years of the occupation of Iraq have seen many changes in U.S. strategies, ambassadors and tactics, but the changes may be too little, too late. "The delay in moving politically has cost Iraq, the U.S. and many other countries a great deal," former Iraqi police colonel Ahmed Jabbar told IPS in Baghdad. "The least to be said is that the world would have been better off without this occupation and the catastrophic security disturbance it has caused." *(Ali, our correspondent in Baghdad, works in close collaboration with Dahr Jamail, our U.S.-based specialist writer on Iraq who travels extensively in the region) *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 29) Cuban Youth Searching for Their Inner Selves Juventud Rebelde reveals the finding of its Third National Survey of Youth 2007-04-10 | 13:31:23 EST http://www.juventudrebelde.co.cu/cuba/2007-04-10/cuban-youth-searching-for-their-inner-selves-/ The Cuban Center for Youth Studies (CESJ in Spanish) carried out an important investigation – not only learn about young people more deeply, but to encourage further studies. The Third National Survey of Youth was given to more than 3,000 youngsters, ranging from 15 to 29 years of age, all living in urban areas in all the provinces of the island. The survey looked into conditions and influences, which included their socio-demographic characteristics, housing and economic conditions, education and employment situation, and leisure opportunities. Below, JR describes the youth interviewed and the survey findings. Looking Inside For French writer Honore de Balzac, marriage was “in the end, a passionate battle where spouses ask for God’s blessing because loving ‘until death do us part’ is the most frightful of tasks.” Maybe this is why our youth suffer gamophobia (the fear of marriage). Consequently, as the survey reveals, most of them are still singles. Another of the questions addressed is the sensitive problem of housing, a major challenge facing Cuban society as a whole, and which is also experienced by youth. More than the 50 percent of them live in houses with construction problems. Interviewees complained about space and structural conditions of their houses, considering them insufficient for their development. Housing issues, family dependence and a lack of privacy are their principal dilemmas. Still, it’s revealing that 72.3 percent have their own room or a minimally shared room. Overcrowding tends to be more frequent in substandard housing. The Pocket Economy Although the Cuban economy moved forward and overcame the harsh recession of the 1990s, people’s pockets didn’t seem to catch up that fast. The household budget of Cubans must still adjust to shortages. Most interviewees are economically dependent on other people. Most of them live in the eastern region of the island, are women and range between the ages of 15 and 29. The survey demonstrated that youth spend their incomes in the same way as the rest of the population: on food, clothes, shoes, and household expenses. Women and young adult share their income in accordance with other people’s needs or with those of the home. Seeking the Other Half Some youngsters read through the horoscope to learn of their fortune in affairs of the heart, or to look for secret aphrodisiacs or some other sort of aid to make them luckier in their pursuits. If you ask them about one of their main goals, with no hesitation they will answer: finding a partner. The same sentiments were expressed by the investigators, especially the women. They give top priority to this goal. Meanwhile youth over 25 vehemently defended the right to be single. Love and common likes are fundamental to a successful relationship, asserted the youth, with all agreeing that this was regardless of sex or age. Regarding the prior study (the Second National Survey of Youth), some of the youth’s priorities have shifted in importance. Having children, in particular, has dropped from the third to the seventh position — an alarming sign given the unbalanced aging of Cuban society. Issues of greatest interest for this cohort were those related to employment, leisure, personal problems and future plans. Employment on the Mind The study demonstrated that over the 36 percent of youth are students, while high school graduates are 50 percent of this population and university graduates 35.5 percent. The largest part of the younger generation are workers (37.7 percent). This group is made up mainly of manual laborers, technicians, and service workers — most of them working for the government. When the study was carried out, most unemployed youth spent their time doing house chores; the rest could be divided into two groups: those who didn’t work or study and those actively looking for employment. Just as in the second national survey, the state sector —along with the developing sector (tourism, joint ventures, and publicly-run corporations) — continue to be the most popular among youth. Interviewees say their choice of field of employment is closely related to the country’s economic situation, the search for better working conditions as well as the pay offered. Prejudices and Stereotypes Although hardly no teenagers and youth said they had experienced rejection or mistreatment, they highlighted certain prejudices and stereotypes that go against the principles of Cuba’s socialist system. A small number had experienced rejection within society, owing to difference of opinion, their economic situation, sex, or skin color. Racial stereotypes have promoted discriminatory behavior among adolescence and youth, especially within the family and among couples. The availability and use of free time was also underlined as a problem. The majority said to have little options for leisure. Likewise, there is a tendency to fulfill those needs using personal resources and not those provided by the government. The primary aspirations of adolescence and youth regarding family, studies, and employment go hand in hand with the principles of Cuban society. Their main aspirations are to find a partner, to strengthen their present relationship, to go to college and work in a field that allows them to satisfy their spiritual and material needs. Youth shift between reality and longings, between dilemmas and the dreams of solving them. Cuban youth, with its contradictions and challenges, is constructing the destiny of our country — leading the way to humanism, like the morning precedes the day. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* LINKS AND VERY SHORT STORIES *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* Robert Fisk: Divide and rule - America's plan for Baghdad "Revealed: a new counter-insurgency strategy to carve up the city into sealed areas. The tactic failed in Vietnam. So what chance does it have in Iraq?" http://news.independent.co.uk/world/fisk/article2439530.ece Published: 11 April 2007 Refugees Speak of Escape from Hell Inter Press Service Dahr Jamail "DAMASCUS, Apr 11 (IPS) - Refugees from Iraq scattered around Damascus describe hellish conditions in the country they managed to leave behind." April 11, 2007 http://www.dahrjamailiraq.com/hard_news/archives/syria/000565.php#more Manhattan: Leash-Free Dogs at Night in City Parks By TIMOTHY WILLIAMS The Parks and Recreation Department announced yesterday that a policy of allowing dogs off leashes during overnight hours will become effective next month. Beginning May 10, owners with a license and proof of a current rabies vaccination will be permitted to let their dogs roam in designated areas of city parks from 9 p.m. to 9 a.m. Under an unofficial policy, the department has for years not given tickets to dog owners who let their pets run free at night in parks. April 11, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/11/nyregion/11mbrfs-dogs.html How Trees Might Not Be Green in Carbon Offsetting Debate http://www.commondreams.org/archive/2007/04/10/443/ There is climate change censorship - and it's the deniers who dish it out "Global warming scientists are under intense pressure to water down findings, and are then accused of silencing their critics." George Monbiot Tuesday April 10, 2007 The Guardian http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/story/0,,2053521,00.html American Tortured in Iraq Sues Rumsfeld http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/040907J.shtml And These Refugees Are Lucky http://www.dahrjamailiraq.com/hard_news/archives/syria/000561.php#more Bush Renews Effort on Immigration Plan By DAVID STOUT April 9, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/washington/09cnd-prexy.html?hp Ranchers and Army Are at Odds in Old West By DAN FROSCH "DENVER, April 6 — Mack Louden worries that his 30,000-acre ranch sits in the cross hairs of the Army’s plans to expand its Piñon Canyon Maneuver Site at Fort Carson, and he, along with other Colorado ranchers, are increasingly upset about the idea. 'Where we live, how we live, it’s all going to die a slow death if the Army gets our land,' said Mr. Louden, a fourth- generation rancher from Las Animas County, along the southern edge of the state." April 9, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/us/09hearing.html?ref=washington Big Coal Invokes Reverse Nuremberg Defense Massey Energy's CEO: Just Giving Orders, Not Carrying Them Out By CORPORATE CRIME REPORTER April 9, 2007 http://www.counterpunch.com/ccr04092007.html The political situation in Venezuela – interview with Yonie Moreno, member of the CMR in Venezuela By Yonnie Moreno Monday, 09 April 2007 www.handsoffvenezuela.org/political_situation_venezuela_moreno.htm FOCUS | US Warplanes Attack Shiites as Civil War Rages in Iraq http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/040807Z.shtml FOCUS | Thousands in LA Demand Immigrant Rights http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/040807Y.shtml Pesticides Linked to Honeybee Population Decline http://www.organicconsumers.org/articles/article_4279.cfm Executive Pay: A Special Report More Pieces. Still a Puzzle. By ERIC DASH April 8, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/business/yourmoney/08pay.html?ref=business Matt Renner | Pentagon Office Created Phony Intel on Iraq/al-Qaeda Link http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/040607A.shtml Number of US Uninsured Soars, Along with Big Pharma Profits http://www.commondreams.org/archive/2007/04/06/343/ Wolfowitz Accused of Nepotism at World Bank http://www.commondreams.org/archive/2007/04/06/341/ Leading article: The world's biggest polluters can no longer ignore the evidence Climate change presents one of the most serious threats ever faced by human life on the planet Published: 07 April 2007 http://comment.independent.co.uk/leading_articles/article2430107.ece Colombian Conflict Spills Across its Venezuelan Border By: Humberto Márquez - IPS Wednesday, Apr 04, 2007 www.venezuelanalysis.com/articles.php?artno=2007 FOCUS | Scientific Panel Issues Devastating Climate Change Report http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/040707Z.shtml What If Iran Had Invaded Mexico? Putting the Iran Crisis in Context By Noam Chomsky "The debate over Iranian interference in Iraq proceeds without ridicule on the assumption that the United States owns the world. We did not, for example, engage in a similar debate in the 1980s about whether the U.S. was interfering in Soviet-occupied Afghanistan." 04/06/07 http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article17491.htm A civil rights revolution with 'netroots' origins "A14-year-old black girl from tiny Paris, Texas, was sent to a youth prison for up to seven years for shoving a hall monitor at her high school. The same judge sentenced a 14-year-old white girl to probation for burning down her family's house." April 5, 2007 http://www.insidebayarea.com/opinion/ci_5599216 Questions Linger About Bushes and BCCI Bank http://www.commondreams.org/archive/2007/04/05/326/ Canadian Seal Hunt Opens Again Amidst Outcry http://www.commondreams.org/archive/2007/04/05/332/ World Health Day: How Much Can Iraq Survive Inter Press Service Ali al-Fadhily http://dahrjamailiraq.com http://uruknet.info/?p=m31918&s1=h1 http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=37236 Federal Official in Student Loans Held Loan Stock By JONATHAN D. GLATER and KAREN W. ARENSON April 6, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/06/education/06loans.html?hp Pope's book accuses rich nations of robbery · Benedict hails Marx's analysis of modern man · Publication planned for 80th birthday John Hooper in Rome Guardian "Pope Benedict appeared to reach out to the anti-globalisation movement yesterday, attacking rich nations for having "plundered and sacked" Africa and other poor regions of the world. An extract published from his first book since being elected pope highlighted the passionately anti-materialistic and anti-capitalist aspects of his thinking. Unexpectedly, the Pope also approvingly cited Karl Marx and his analysis of contemporary man as a victim of alienation." April 5, 2007 http://books.guardian.co.uk/news/articles/0,,2050255,00.html None of the Democratic Contenders Has Called for the Closure of the Guantanamo Prison Of Confessions and Torture By MARGARET KIMBERLY April 4, 2007 http://www.counterpunch.com/kimberly04042007.html Quota Quickly Filled on Visas for High-Tech Guest Workers By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS The federal Citizenship and Immigration Services reached its 2008 limit for skilled-worker visa petitions in a single day and says it will not accept any more, to the dismay of technology companies that rely on the visas to hire foreign employees. The agency began accepting petitions Monday for the fiscal year starting Oct. 1 and said it received about 150,000 applications by midafternoon. The temporary H-1B visas are for foreign workers with high-technology skills or in specialty occupations. Congress has mandated that the immigration agency limit the visas granted to 65,000, although the cap does not apply to petitions made on behalf of current H-1B holders, and an additional 20,000 visas can be granted to applicants who hold advanced degrees from American academic institutions. The agency said it would use computers to pick visa recipients randomly from the applications received Monday and Tuesday. It will reject the rest of the applications and return the filing fees. Employers seek H-1B visas on behalf of scientists, engineers, computer programmers and other workers with theoretical or technical expertise. About one- third of Microsoft’s 46,000 employees in the United States have work visas or are legal permanent residents with green cards, said Ginny Terzano, a spokeswoman for the company. “We are trying to work with Congress to get the cap increased,” Ms. Terzano said. “Our real preference here is that there not be a cap at all.” Compete America, a coalition that includes Microsoft, the chip maker Intel, the business software company Oracle and others, voiced its opposition to the visa cap in a statement Tuesday. “Our broken visa policies for highly educated foreign professionals are not only counterproductive, they are anticompetitive and detrimental to America’s long-term economic competitiveness,” said Robert E. Hoffman, an Oracle vice president and co-chairman of Compete America. April 5, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/05/business/05visa.html California: Plea for a Shorter Sentence By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS The lawyer and parents of John Walker Lindh, the American- born Taliban soldier serving 20 years in prison after his capture in Afghanistan, called on President Bush to commute his sentence and set him free. The renewed call to shorten the sentence was based on a nine-month term that David Hicks, an Australian, received Saturday after pleading guilty to supporting terrorism. “In the atmosphere of the time, the best John could get was a plea bargain and a 20-year sentence,” said Mr. Lindh’s father, Frank Lindh. The White House did not return a call seeking comment. April 5, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/05/us/05brfs-PLEAFORASHOR_BRF.html Castro Again Chides U.S. on Ethanol Plan By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS HAVANA, April 4 (AP) — The ailing Cuban leader Fidel Castro returned to the public debate — if not view — for the second time in less than a week on Wednesday with a column in the Communist Party newspaper Granma. Mr. Castro, 80, chided the Bush administration for its support of ethanol production for automobiles, a move that he said would leave the world’s poor hungry. It was his second article on the issue in less than a week, indicating that he is increasingly eager to have his voice heard on international matters, eight months after stepping down as Cuba’s president because of illness. Cuba has experimented with using sugar cane for ethanol production, but now that the United States has embraced the idea, Mr. Castro and his ally Hugo Chávez, the president of Venezuela, have expressed concern that rich countries will buy up the food crops of poor nations to meet their energy needs, threatening millions with starvation. April 5, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/05/world/americas/05cuba.html Havana rights Calvin Tucker March 28, 2007 8:30 PM http://commentisfree.guardian.co.uk/calvin_tucker/2007/03/the_street_sce ne_was_entertain.html Marking Time, Making Do By JOHN FREEMAN GILL NY Times, April 1, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/01/nyregion/thecity/01subw.html *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* GENERAL ANNOUNCEMENTS AND INFORMATION *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* DEMAND THE RELEASE OF SAMI AL-ARIAN The National Council of Arab Americans (NCA) demands the immediate release of political prisoner, Dr. Sami Al-Arian. Although Dr. Al-Arian is no longer on a hunger strike we must still demand he be released by the US Department of Justice (DOJ). After an earlier plea agreement that absolved Dr. Al-Arian from any further questioning, he was sentenced up to 18 months in jail for refusing to testify before a grand jury in Virginia. He has long sense served his time yet Dr. Al-Arian is still being held. Release him now! See: http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=07/03/16/1410255 ACTION: We ask all people of conscience to demand the immediate release and end to Dr. Al- Arian's suffering. Call, Email and Write: 1- Attorney General Alberto Gonzales Department of Justice U.S. Department of Justice 950 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20530-0001 Fax Number: (202) 307-6777 Email: AskDOJ@usdoj.gov 2- The Honorable John Conyers, Jr 2426 Rayburn Building Washington, DC 20515 (202) 225-5126 (202) 225-0072 Fax John.Conyers@mail.house.gov 3- Senator Patrick Leahy 433 Russell Senate Office Building United States Senate Washington, DC 20510 (202)224-4242 senator_leahy@leahy.senate.gov 4- Honorable Judge Gerald Lee U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia 401 Courthouse Square, Alexandria, VA 22314 March 22, 2007 [No email given...bw] National Council of Arab Americans (NCA) http://www.arab-american.net/ Criminalizing Solidarity: Sami Al-Arian and the War of Terror By Charlotte Kates, The Electronic Intifada, 4 April 2007 http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article6767.shtml Related: Robert Fisk: The true story of free speech in America This systematic censorship of Middle East reality continues even in schools Published: 07 April 2007 http://news. independent. co.uk/world/ fisk/article2430 125.ece *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* [For some levity...Hans Groiner plays Monk http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=51bsCRv6kI0 ...bw] Excerpt of interview between Barbara Walters and Hugo Chavez http://www.borev.net/2007/03/what_you_had_something_better.html Which country should we invade next? http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q3g_zqz3VjY My Favorite Mutiny, The Coup http://www.myspace.com/thecoupmusic Michael Moore- The Awful Truth http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xeOaTpYl8mE Morse v. Frederick Supreme Court arguments http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=n_LsGoDWC0o Free Speech 4 Students Rally - Media Montage http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RfCjfod8yuw *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 'My son lived a worthwhile life' In April 2003, 21-year old Tom Hurndall was shot in the head in Gaza by an Israeli soldier as he tried to save the lives of three small children. Nine months later, he died, having never recovered consciousness. Emine Saner talks to his mother Jocelyn about her grief, her fight to make the Israeli army accountable for his death and the book she has written in his memory. Monday March 26, 2007 The Guardian http://www.guardian.co.uk/israel/Story/0,,2042968,00.html *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* Introducing...................the Apple iRack http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=o-KWYYIY4jQ *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* "A War Budget Leaves Every Child Behind." [A T-shirt worn by some teachers at Roosevelt High School in L.A. as part of their campaign to rid the school of military recruiters and JROTC--see Article in Full item number 4, below...bw] *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* THIS IS AN EXCELLENT VIDEO DESTRIBUTED BY U.S. LABOR AGAINST THE WAR (USLAW) FEATURING SPEAKERS AT THE JANUARY 27TH MARCH ON WASHINGTON FOCUSING ON THE DEMAND - BRING THE TROOPS HOME NOW. http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=6935451906479097836&hl=en *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* Defend the Los Angeles Eight! http://www.committee4justice.com/ *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* George Takai responds to Tim Hardaway's homophobic remarks http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kcJoJZIcQW4&eurl_ *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* Iran http://www.lucasgray.com/video/peacetrain.html *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* Another view of the war. A link from Amer Jubran http://d3130.servadmin.com/~leeflash/ *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* Petition: Halt the Blue Angels http://action.globalexchange.org/petition.jsp?petition_KEY=458 http://www.care2.com/c2c/share/detail/289327 *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* A Girl Like Me 7:08 min Youth Documentary Kiri Davis, Director, Reel Works Teen Filmmaking, Producer Winner of the Diversity Award Sponsored by Third Millennium Foundation http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=1091431409617440489 *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* Film/Song about Angola http://www.prisonactivist.org/angola/ *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* "200 million children in the world sleep in the streets today. Not one of them is Cuban." (A sign in Havana) Venceremos View sign at bottom of page at: http://www.cubasolidarity.net/index.html [Thanks to Norma Harrison for sending this...bw] *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE "Cheyenne and Arapaho oral histories hammer history's account of the Sand Creek Massacre" CENTENNIAL, CO -- A new documentary film based on an award-winning documentary short film, "The Sand Creek Massacre", and driven by Southern Cheyenne and Arapaho people who tell their version about what happened during the Sand Creek Massacre via their oral histories, has been released by Olympus Films+, LLC, a Centennial, Colorado film company. "You have done an extraordinary job" said Margie Small, Tobient Entertainment, " on the Colorado PBS episode, the library videos for public schools and libraries, the trailer, etc...and getting the story told and giving honor to those ancestors who had to witness this tragic and brutal attack...film is one of the best ways." "The images shown in the film were selected for native awareness value" said Donald L. Vasicek, award-winning writer/filmmaker, "we also focused on preserving American history on film because tribal elders are dying and taking their oral histories with them. The film shows a non-violent solution to problem-solving and 19th century Colorado history, so it's multi-dimensional in that sense. " Chief Eugene Blackbear, Sr., Cheyenne, who starred as Chief Black Kettle in "The Last of the Dogmen" also starring Tom Berenger and Barbara Hershey and "Dr. Colorado", Tom Noel, University of Colorado history professor, are featured. The trailer can be viewed and the film can be ordered for $24.95 plus $4.95 for shipping and handling at http://www.fullduck.com/node/53. Vasicek's web site, http://www.donvasicek.com, provides detailed information about the Sand Creek Massacre including various still images particularly on the Sand Creek Massacre home page and on the proposal page. Olympus Films+, LLC is dedicated to writing and producing quality products that serve to educate others about the human condition. Contact: Donald L. Vasicek Olympus Films+, LLC 7078 South Fairfax Street Centennial, CO 80122 http://us.imdb.com/Name?Vasicek,+Don http://www.donvasicek.com dvasicek@earthlink.net 303-903-2103 *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* A NEW LOOK AT U.S. RADIOACTIVE WEAPONS Join us in a campaign to expose and stop the use of these illegal weapons http://poisondust.org/ *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* You may enjoy watching these. In struggle Che: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nqcezl9dD2c Leon: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ukkFVV5X0p4 *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* FIGHTBACK! A Collection of Socialist Essays By Sylvia Weinstein http://www.walterlippmann.com/sylvia-weinstein-fightback-intro.html *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* [The Scab "After God had finished the rattlesnake, the toad, and the vampire, he had some awful substance left with which he made a scab." "A scab is a two-legged animal with a corkscrew soul, a water brain, a combination backbone of jelly and glue. Where others have hearts, he carries a tumor of rotten principles." "When a scab comes down the street, men turn their backs and angels weep in heaven, and the devil shuts the gates of hell to keep him out." "No man (or woman) has a right to scab so long as there is a pool of water to drown his carcass in, or a rope long enough to hang his body with. Judas was a gentleman compared with a scab. For betraying his master, he had character enough to hang himself." A scab has not. "Esau sold his birthright for a mess of pottage. Judas sold his Savior for thirty pieces of silver. Benedict Arnold sold his country for a promise of a commision in the british army." The scab sells his birthright, country, his wife, his children and his fellowmen for an unfulfilled promise from his employer. Esau was a traitor to himself; Judas was a traitor to his God; Benedict Arnold was a traitor to his country; a scab is a traitor to his God, his country, his family and his class." Author --- Jack London (1876-1916)...Roland Sheppard http://web.mac.com/rolandgarret] *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* END ALL U.S. AID TO ISRAEL! Stop funding Israel's war against Palestine Complete the form at the website listed below with your information. https://secure2.convio.net/pep/site/Advocacy? JServSessionIdr003=cga2p2o6x1.app2a&cmd=display&page=UserAction&id=177 *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* Sand Creek Massacre "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING DOCUMENTARY SHORT FEATURED AT NATIVE AMERICAN FILM FESTIVAL: http://www.aberdeennews.com/mld/aberdeennews/news/local/16035305.htm (scroll down when you get there]) "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING WRITER/FILMMAKER DONALD L. VASICEK REPORT: http://www.digitalcinemareport.com/sandcreekmassacre.html "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING DOCUMENTARY SHORT FINALIST IN DOCUMENTARY CHANNEL COMPETITION (VIEW HERE): http://www.docupyx.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=28&Itemid=41 VIEW "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING DOCUMENTARY SHORT FILM MOVIE OF THE WEEK FOR FREE HERE: http://twymancreative.com/twymanc.html On November 29, 1864, 700 Colorado troops savagely slaughtered over 450 Cheyenne children, disabled, elders, and women in the southeastern Colorado Territory under its protection. This act became known as the Sand Creek Massacre. This film project ("The Sand Creek Massacre" documentary film project) is an examination of an open wound in the souls of the Cheyenne people as told from their perspective. This project chronicles that horrific 19th century event and its affect on the 21st century struggle for respectful coexistence between white and native plains cultures in the United States of America. Listed below are links on which you can click to get the latest news, products, and view, free, "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" award- winning documentary short. In order to create more native awareness, particularly to save the roots of America's history, please read the following: Some people in America are trying to save the world. Bless them. In the meantime, the roots of America are dying. What happens to a plant when the roots die? The plant dies according to my biology teacher in high school. American's roots are its native people. Many of America's native people are dying from drug and alcohol abuse, poverty, hunger, and disease, which was introduced to them by the Caucasian male. Tribal elders are dying. When they die, their oral histories go with them. Our native's oral histories are the essence of the roots of America, what took place before our ancestors came over to America, what is taking place, and what will be taking place. It is time we replenish America's roots with native awareness, else America continues its decaying, and ultimately, its death. You can help. The 22-MINUTE SAND CREEK MASSACRE DOCUMENTARY PRESENTATION/EDUCATIONAL DVD IS READY FOR PURCHASE! (pass the word about this powerful educational tool to friends, family, schools, parents, teachers, and other related people and organizations to contact me (dvasicek@earthlink.net, 303-903-2103) for information about how they can purchase the DVD and have me come to their children's school to show the film and to interact in a questions and answers discussion about the Sand Creek Massacre. Happy Holidays! Donald L. Vasicek Olympus Films+, LLC http://us.imdb.com/Name?Vasicek,+Don http://www.donvasicek.com dvasicek@earthlink.net 303-903-2103 "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING DOCUMENTARY SHORT FEATURED AT NATIVE AMERICAN FILM FESTIVAL: http://www.aberdeennews.com/mld/aberdeennews/news/local/16035305.htm (scroll down when you get there]) "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING WRITER/FILMMAKER DONALD L. VASICEK REPORT: http://www.digitalcinemareport.com/sandcreekmassacre.html "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING DOCUMENTARY SHORT FINALIST IN DOCUMENTARY CHANNEL COMPETITION (VIEW HERE): http://www.docupyx.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=28&Itemid=41 VIEW "THE SAND CREEK MASSACRE" AWARD-WINNING DOCUMENTARY SHORT FILM MOVIE OF THE WEEK FOR FREE HERE: http://twymancreative.com/twymanc.html SHOP: http://www.manataka.org/page633.html BuyIndies.com donvasicek.com.
Tuesday, April 10, 2007
BAUAW NEWSLETTER - TUESDAY, APRIL 10, 2007
*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* ARTICLES IN FULL: *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 1) All That You Can Be Risk Management by Lauren Collins April 9, 2007 http://www.newyorker.com/talk/2007/04/09/070409ta_talk_collins 2) No hope in Guantánamo BY JOSHUA COLANGELO-BRYAN MIAMI HERALD Apr. 05, 2007 http://www.miamiherald.com/851/v-print/story/64032.html 3) WE'VE BEEN SURGING FOR YEARS By Don Monkerud TomPaine.com April 6, 2007 http://www.tompaine.com/articles/2007/04/06/weve_been_surging_for_years.php 4) Permanent drought predicted for Southwest "Study says global warming threatens to create a Dust Bowl-like period. Water politics could also get heated." By Alan Zarembo and Bettina Boxall Times Staff Writers April 6, 2007 http://www.latimes.com/news/science/la-sci-swdrought6apr06,0,122112.story?coll=la-home-headlines 5) Democrats at War WALL STREET JOURNAL EDITORIAL April 6, 2007; Page A10 [Via Email from: Walter Lippmann walterlx@earthlink.net ...bw] 6) Ford Pays Chief $28 Million for 4 Months’ Work By NICK BUNKLEY April 6, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/06/business/06ford.html?ref=businessspecial 7) Comcast Chief Executive Receives $26 Million By GERALDINE FABRIKANT March 30, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/30/business/businessspecial/30comcast.pay.html?ex=1176091200&en=a355f91bce1d207c&ei=5070 8) No Bonuses for Top G.M. Executives By NICK BUNKLEY March 29, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/29/business/businessspecial/29gmpay.html?ex=1176091200&en=b3bcb33a8bceaa23&ei=5070 9) Cuban jet bombing suspect ordered free on bail in U.S. "Venezuela and Cuba want Luis Posada Carriles in a 1976 plane bombing that killed 73. But in this country, the former CIA operative is charged with lying to immigration officials." By Carol J. Williams Times Staff Writer April 7, 2007 http://www.latimes.com/news/printedition/asection/la-na-posada7apr07,1,7020766.story?coll=la-news-a_section 10) City asks court to quit Abu-Jamal case By MARYCLAIRE DALE, Associated Press Writer1 April 6, 2007 http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20070406/ap_on_re_us/mumia_abu_jamal 11) Hot and Cold Editorial April 8,2006 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/opinion/08sun1.html?hp 12) Doctor’s Index Predicts Fate for Migrants in the Desert "...more than 100 adult male immigrants had died of heatstroke annually in Pima County." By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS April 8, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/us/08immig.html 13) Trail of Tears By ELIZABETH ROYTE (RE: THE LONG EXILE A Tale of Inuit Betrayal and Survival in the High Arctic. By Melanie McGrath. 268 pp. Alfred A. Knopf. $24.95.) http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/books/review/Royte.t.html?_r=1&adxnnl=1&oref=slogin&adxnnlx=1176050987-kCJ3ZpwQ2uOi7Yadi5MjcA 14) Sociable Darwinism By NATALIE ANGIER April 8, 2007 (RE:EVOLUTION FOR EVERYONE How Darwin’s Theory Can Change the Way We Think About Our Lives. By David Sloan Wilson. 390 pp. Delacorte Press. $24.) http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/books/review/Angier.t.html?ref=review 15) Sweet Little Lies By PAUL KRUGMAN Op-Ed Columnist April 9, 2007 http://select.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/opinion/09krugman.html?hp 16) 6-Year-Olds Under Arrest By BOB HERBERT Op-Ed Columnist Avon Park, Fla. April 9, 2007 http://select.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/opinion/09herbert.html?hp 17) Guantánamo Detainees Stage Hunger Strike By TIM GOLDEN April 9, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/us/09hunger.html 18) Army Is Cracking Down on Deserters By PAUL von ZIELBAUER April 9, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/us/09awol.html?ref=us 19) CLOSE CONTACT To Woo Afghan Locals, U.S. Troops Settle In Tactic Wins Friends, Isolates Insurgents, But Boosts Casualties By MICHAEL M. PHILLIPS April 9, 2007; Page A1 WALL STREET JOURNAL [VIA Email from: Walter Lippmann walterlx@earthlink.net ...bw] 20) Crop Prices Soar, Pushing Up Cost Of Food Globally New Demand for Biofuels Feeds Inflation Pressure; China, India Feel Pinch By PATRICK BARTA April 9, 2007; Page A1 The Wall Street Journal [VIA Email from: Walter Lippmann walterlx@earthlink.net ...bw] 21) Injured troops shipped back into battle "Salon has uncovered further evidence that the military sent soldiers with acute post-traumatic stress disorder, severe back injuries and other serious war wounds back to Iraq." By Mark Benjamin April 9, 2007 http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2007/04/09/injured_soldiers/print.html 22) Huge Protest in Iraq Demands U.S. Withdraw By EDWARD WONG April 10, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/world/middleeast/10iraq.html?ref=world 23) High Stakes: Chávez Plays the Oil Card “Chávez poses a much bigger threat to America’s energy security than Saddam Hussein ever did.” By SIMON ROMERO and CLIFFORD KRAUSS April 10, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/business/worldbusiness/10showdown.html 24) General Wants Increased Troops Into Fall By THE NEW YORK TIMES April 10, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/world/middleeast/10troops.html 25) U.S. Raid on an Immigrant Household Deepens Anger and Mistrust By NINA BERNSTEIN April 10, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/nyregion/10suffolk.html?ref=nyregion 26) In East Harlem School Closing, Talk of a Class Divide By DAVID GONZALEZ April 10, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/10/nyregion/10citywide.html?ref=nyregion *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 1) All That You Can Be Risk Management by Lauren Collins April 9, 2007 http://www.newyorker.com/talk/2007/04/09/070409ta_talk_collins In the wake of a rise in substantiated instances of misconduct by its recruiters, the United States military, it was reported last month, is considering installing surveillance cameras in its recruiting stations. The military may also want to assess the tactics that its employees use in the virtual realm. This admissions season, an Army recruiter has been e-mailing recent college graduates with the offer of hundreds of thousands of dollars in scholarship money to pay for medical school, in exchange for four years of service. Nothing new there. What’s surprising is his assertion to students that they would be better off in Baghdad than in Georgetown. Susan Kahane, who is twenty-two, graduated from Columbia last spring. When she took the MCAT, in August, she checked a box to signal that she wished to receive information about outside sources of financial aid. Soon, she was inundated with e-mails from the Army, the Navy, and the Air Force (“FREE MEDICAL SCHOOL!!!”). One, sent on January 31st by Captain Christopher D. Mayhugh, of the Army Medical Service Corps, stood out. “Upon finishing your residency,” the message read, “you will be assigned to one of a variety of locations including Germany, Italy and Hawaii and your obligation will be complete.” (The Medical Service Corps’s Web page, in contrast, notes prominently that its officers have participated in combat operations in Korea, Kosovo, Somalia, Panama, and Iraq.) Mayhugh’s omission of Iraq, Kahane recalled last week, “seemed a little bit strange.” Still, she said, “These e-mails were often slightly tempting to me, because of my worries about paying for medical school.” On March 14th, Kahane received another e-mail from Mayhugh, with the subject “Medical school scholarships still available.” This time, rather than invoking European and tropical destinations, Mayhugh addressed the prospect of being posted to a less than desirable locale. “What if you get sent to Iraq?” he wrote in the letter’s final paragraph. He continued: Well, consider this: there has been an average of 160,000 troops in the Iraq theater of operations during the last 22 months, and a total of 2112 deaths, that gives a firearm death rate of 60 per 100,000. The rate in Washington, D.C. is 80.6 per 100,000. That means that you are about 25% more likely to be shot and killed in our Nation’s Capitol, which has some of the strictest gun control laws in the nation, than you are in Iraq. Kahane recalled, “After reading it once, I felt strongly that something was wrong, but I didn’t know what.” She looked up the figures and did the math herself, and found that all the statistics in the e-mail were either outdated or incorrect, and that, even if they had been correct, Mayhugh seemed to be comparing a yearly figure for Washington with a monthly one for Iraq. (Going by Mayhugh’s numbers, there would be nearly fifteen gun murders in Washington every day. In reality, there were about three murders, of any kind, per week in 2006. In the same period, an average of sixteen American troops died each week in Iraq.) Kimberly Thompson, an associate professor of risk analysis and decision science at Harvard’s School of Public Health, agreed, last week, to evaluate Mayhugh’s claim and found the discrepancy even starker. In her estimate, the risk of being killed in Iraq is ten times higher than the risk of being killed in Washington, D.C. “The recruiter’s e-mail message is really amazingly misleading,” she said. It turns out, as Kahane learned with a subsequent Google search, that “D.C. is more dangerous than Iraq” is a well-worn canard. Representative Steve King, a Republican from Iowa, promulgated a variation, involving his wife’s safety, last year on the floor of the House, while Mayhugh’s paragraph was plucked, verbatim, from an e-mail that circulated in 2005. The realization that Mayhugh’s message derived—one could see, with nominal research—from a Web fallacy was dispiriting to Kahane. She had written a letter to Mayhugh, but didn’t send it. “I thought, I guess he knows the math isn’t right, so what’s the point of telling him?” she said. Reached last week at his office in Maryland, Mayhugh stood by the e-mail, saying, “Most people’s perception of Iraq is that ‘Oh, my God, people are being murdered over there by the thousands.’ I think if you look at any type of situation where you have several hundred thousand people on the ground and now you throw in the fact that what they’re doing is dangerous and they have very big heavy vehicles and firearms with live ammunition, the number of people being killed over there is pretty small.” He acknowledged that the paragraph had come from a forwarded e-mail, but said that, before pasting it into his pitch, he had done “some simple calculations” that supported its conclusions. “In what I’ve seen in dealing with the war and the misperceptions of it,” he said, “it seemed to me like those would be the right numbers.” He went on, “I work in D.C. on a daily basis, and I’m afraid to get out of my car in a lot of places. I hear about police officers being murdered every day in D.C. and Baltimore. And I’ve had thousands of friends and colleagues go to Iraq and come back safely.” Illustration: TOM BACHTELL *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 2) No hope in Guantánamo BY JOSHUA COLANGELO-BRYAN MIAMI HERALD Apr. 05, 2007 http://www.miamiherald.com/851/v-print/story/64032.html On Monday, I was at Guantánamo Bay to meet with Jumah Al Dossari, one of the detainees my firm represents. As always, I spent the first few hours of our meeting trying to convince Jumah to fight the desperation and hopelessness that threaten what little spirit he has left. Jumah has been at Guantánamo for more than five years. The government has never charged him with a crime and does not accuse him of taking any action against the United States. For several years, Jumah has been held alone in solid-wall cells from which he cannot see other detainees or communicate except by yelling. He has spent 22 to 24 hours a day by himself in these cells. He has been short shackled, threatened with death and, once, severly beaten. Interrogators have told him that he will be at Guantánamo for the next 50 years and that there is no law at Guantánamo. Sometimes the idea of spending the rest of his life locked up thousands of miles from his family is too much for Jumah. On Oct. 15, 2005, I walked into an interview room to visit him. There was blood on the floor. I looked up and saw Jumah hanging by his neck from the other side of a metal mesh wall that divided his cell from our meeting area. He was bleeding from a gash in his arm. I couldn't reach Jumah because the door to the cell was locked. I yelled for guards who came, unlocked the door and cut the noose from Jumah's neck. I was ordered out of the room but later learned that Jumah had survived. Since that day, Jumah has tried to kill himself three times. Last spring he slashed his throat with a razor, spraying blood on the ceiling of his cell. During our meeting on Monday, we talked about Jumah's court case, a bleak—and therefore dangerous—subject. I explained again that the Bush administration insists it may detain anyone it designates an ''enemy combatant'' forever without a trial. I explained how Congress blessed that notion in last year's Military Commissions Act, which bars foreign ''enemy combatants'' from going to court to challenge that designation. I explained that lawyers for the detainees had challenged the act as unconstitutional, but that in February a federal appeals had ruled against us on the grounds that people like Jumah have no rights. Desperately wanting to boost his spirits, I also told Jumah that there was reason to be optimistic. We had asked the Supreme Court to review the appeals court decision and we felt pretty sure that our request would be granted. Were that to happen, Jumah might be a step closer to a court hearing. At noon, I went to the galley—as the cafeteria at Guantánamo is called—to get lunch for Jumah and myself. While waiting for a burger, I glanced up at a television tuned to CNN. Text ran across the bottom of the screen: ``Supreme Court refuses to hear Guantánamo detainee appeals until alternative procedures are exhausted.'' Our request—the one reason I had given Jumah to be optimistic—had been denied. The Supreme Court was saying it might consider the detainees' cases, but not until the detainees subjected themselves to proceedings created by the Military Commissions Act. It is a disturbing ruling because the government says the purpose of these proceedings is not to determine if a detainee is actually an ''enemy combatant'' but rather to determine if the military followed its own rules in applying the ''enemy combatant'' label. For that reason, detainees will have no chance to produce evidence of their innocence that the military didn't consider or to challenge the use of evidence obtained through torture. Worse yet, these procedures will be held before the same appeals court that recently found the detainees have no rights at all. I walked slowly back to the room where Jumah sat shackled. I wondered if there was a good way to tell a suicidal man that all three branches of our government appear content to let him rot at Guantánamo. Nothing came to mind. Maybe I shouldn't have worried. Jumah's reaction to bad legal news has become as muted as his emotions generally. He long ago stopped believing that a court will ever hear his case and thinks I'm naive for hoping otherwise. Instead, Jumah believes that he has been condemned to live forever on an island where there is no law. He may well be right. Joshua Colangelo-Bryan, an attorney, represents several Guantánamo detainees. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 3) WE'VE BEEN SURGING FOR YEARS By Don Monkerud TomPaine.com April 6, 2007 http://www.tompaine.com/articles/2007/04/06/weve_been_surging_for_years.php The number of U.S. forces involved in Iraq are at least twice the number quoted in the media. The administration uses a number of deceptions, definitional illusions and euphemisms -- including counting only "combat forces" and "military personnel" -- to drastically undercount the invasion force. Even President Bush's January announcement of a "surge" of 21,500 U.S. troops, opposed by the Joint Chiefs of Staff, has now morphed into 30,000 troops with an additional "headquarters staff" of 3,000 -- or more than 50 percent more than the official number. The currently reported total U.S. military in Iraq is 145,000, forces which are required to occupy a country slightly more than twice the size of Idaho. The real number is almost impossible to find in government-released information, even with a great amount of interpretation. It’s hidden because few in the administration want to disclose the true extent of vast U.S. resources invested in personnel, material, and other costs. GlobalSecurity.org is a public policy organization that provides background information on defense and homeland security. They note that keeping track of American forces has become "significantly more difficult as the military seeks to improve operational security and to deceive potential enemies and the media as to the extent of American operations." According to John Pike, director of GlobalSecurity.org, there are a number of other reasons affecting the accurate counting of the number of military forces involved in Iraq. Large numbers of troops are activated with unspecified duties to unspecified areas; many small units from various locations are being mobilized from the Army and National Guard, which count units differently; and groups rotate in and out of Iraqi so quickly it's impossible for anyone but the Pentagon to calculate how many are there. The Pentagon tracks these numbers, but Pike says they aren't telling. "We only try to nail the numbers down when we think Americans are getting ready to blow someone up," Pike says. "The Pentagon knows the numbers and we have certainly not done anything to highball it. Certainly, if there's a chance to release or hold numbers, they are parsimonious." Additionally, private enterprise military "contractors" almost double the number of U.S. forces in Iraq. After four contractors were hung from a bridge in Fallujah in March 2004, the Bush administration stonewalled congressional efforts to force the Pentagon to release information about the number of contractors in Iraq. Finally, the Pentagon reported a total of 25,000. In "The Market for Force: The Consequences of Privatizing Security," Deborah D. Avant, director for the Institute for Global and Internal Studies at George Washington University, reports that official numbers are difficult to find, but "This is the largest deployment of U.S. contractors in a military operation." In October, the military's first census of contractors totaled 100,000, not counting subcontractors. And in February 2007, the Associated Press reported 120,000 contractors (which would put Bush's "surge" closer to 50,000). Contractors, which some call mercenaries, provide support services essential to maintaining the U.S. military presence in Iraq. Ten times the number of contractors employed during the Persian Gulf War, these contract mercenaries now cook meals, interrogate prisoners, fix flat tires, repair vehicles, and provide guard duty. Military personnel formerly filled these types of jobs until former Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld instituted his "Total Force" plan, which relies on a smaller U.S. military force with "its active and reserve military components, its civil servants, and its contractors." Senator Jim Webb of Virginia called this a "rent-an-army." What are the total of U.S. forces are in Iraq? The government reported 145,000 U.S. military forces in Iraq, but John Pike estimates the current total at 150,000. Another 20,000 will arrive as part of the "surge," a last gasp public relations effort to save the operation from total failure. John Pike estimates another 30,000 are "in the theater" to provide "Operation Iraqi Freedom" support. The Army and Marines have another 10,000 to 20,000 in Kuwait, and a nearby Air Force wing-bombing group has 5,000. Current naval exercises in the Persian Gulf, which represents a show of force against Iran, include 10,000 U.S. personnel, the carrier groups Eisenhower and the Stennis, and 15 warships. Add the 120,000 contract mercenaries and the forces involved in the Iraqi operation and the total comes to 300,000 to 360,000, more than twice the "official" figure of 145,000 troops. This isn't counting the more than 5,000 British combat troops and navy, down from a high of 40,000 during the initial invasion, or the ragtag remnants of the highly vaunted "Coalition of the Willing," which has dwindled since the beginning of the occupation to 27, mostly small, countries such as Armenia, Estonia, Moldavia, and Latvia. Manipulated figures and private military contractors provide the Bush Administration with political cover to escape public scrutiny and keep injuries, deaths, and secret operations out of the public eye. A more accurate and honest view of participation in the Iraqi occupation by the government could give Americans more reason to oppose the waste of lives and resources on this ill-conceived, poorly planned, and disastrous venture. --Don Monkerud is an California-based writer who follows cultural, social and political issues. He can be reached at monkerud@cruzio.com. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 4) Permanent drought predicted for Southwest "Study says global warming threatens to create a Dust Bowl-like period. Water politics could also get heated." By Alan Zarembo and Bettina Boxall Times Staff Writers April 6, 2007 http://www.latimes.com/news/science/la-sci-swdrought6apr06,0,122112.story?coll=la-home-headlines The driest periods of the last century ˜ the Dust Bowl of the 1930s and the droughts of the 1950s ˜ may become the norm in the Southwest United States within decades because of global warming, according to a study released Thursday. The research suggests that the transformation may already be underway. Much of the region has been in a severe drought since 2000, which the study's analysis of computer climate models shows as the beginning of a long dry period. The study, published online in the journal Science, predicted a permanent drought by 2050 throughout the Southwest ˜ one of the fastest- growing regions in the nation. The data tell "a story which is pretty darn scary and very strong," said Jonathan Overpeck, a climate researcher at the University of Arizona who was not involved in the study. Richard Seager, a research scientist at Lamont-Doherty Earth Observatory at Columbia University and the lead author of the study, said the changes would force an adjustment to the social and economic order from Colorado to California. "There are going to be some tough decisions on how to allocate water," he said. "Is it going to be the cities, or is it going to be agriculture?" Seager said the projections, based on 19 computer models, showed a surprising level of agreement. "There is only one model that does not have a drying trend," he said. Philip Mote, an atmospheric scientist at the University of Washington who was not involved in the study, added, "There is a convergence of the models that is very strong and very worrisome." The future effect of global warming is the subject of a United Nations report to be released today in Brussels, the second of four installments being unveiled this year. The first report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change was released in February. It declared that global warming had become a "runaway train" and that human activities were "very likely" to blame. The landmark report helped shift the long and rancorous political debate over climate change from whether man-made warming was real to what could be done about it. The mechanics and patterns of drought in the Southwest have been the focus of increased scrutiny in recent years. During the last period of significant, prolonged drought ˜ the Medieval Climate Optimum from about the years 900 to 1300 ˜ the region experienced dry periods that lasted as long as 20 years, scientists say. Drought research has largely focused on the workings of air currents that arise from variations in sea-surface temperature in the Pacific Ocean known as El Niño and La Niña. The most significant in terms of drought is La Niña. During La Niña years, precipitation belts shift north, parching the Southwest. The latest study investigated the possibility of a broader, global climatic mechanism that could cause drought. Specifically, they looked at the Hadley cell, one of the planet's most powerful atmospheric circulation patterns, driving weather in the tropics and subtropics. Within the cell, air rises at the equator, moves toward the poles and descends over the subtropics. Increasing levels of greenhouse gases, the researchers said, warms the atmosphere, which expands the poleward reach of the Hadley cell. Dry air, which suppresses precipitation, then descends over a wider expanse of the Mediterranean region, the Middle East and North America. All of those areas would be similarly affected, though the study examined only the effect on North America in a swath reaching from Kansas to California and south into Mexico. The researchers tested a "middle of the road" scenario of future carbon dioxide emissions to predict rainfall and evaporation. They assumed that emissions would rise until 2050 and then decline. The carbon dioxide concentration in the atmosphere would be 720 parts per million in 2100, compared with about 380 parts per million today. The computer models, on average, found about a 15% decline in surface moisture ˜ which is calculated by subtracting evaporation from precipitation ˜ from 2021 to 2040, as compared with the average from 1950 to 2000. A 15% drop led to the conditions that caused the Dust Bowl in the Great Plains and the northern Rockies during the 1930s. Even without the circulation changes, global warming intensifies existing patterns of vapor transport, causing dry areas to get drier and wet areas to get wetter. When it rains, it is likely to rain harder, but scientists said that was unlikely to make up for losses from a shifting climate. Kelly Redmond, deputy director of the Western Regional Climate Center in Reno, who was not involved in the study, said he thought the region would still have periodic wet years that were part of the natural climate variation. But, he added, "In the future we may see fewer such very wet years." Although the computer models show the drying has already started, they are not accurate enough to know whether the drought is the result of global warming or a natural variation. "It's really hard to tell," said Connie Woodhouse, a paleoclimatologist at the University of Arizona. "It may well be one of the first events we can attribute to global warming." The U.S. and southern Europe will be better prepared to deal with frequent drought than most African nations. For the U.S., the biggest problem would be water shortages. The seven Colorado River Basin states ˜ Colorado, Wyoming, Utah, Nevada, New Mexico, Arizona and California ˜ would battle each other for diminished river flows. Mexico, which has a share of the Colorado River under a 1944 treaty and has complained of U.S. diversions in the past, would join the struggle. Inevitably, water would be reallocated from agriculture, which uses most of the West's supply, to urban users, drying up farms. California would come under pressure to build desalination plants on the coast, despite environmental concerns. "This is a situation that is going to cause water wars," said Kevin Trenberth, a scientist at the National Center for Atmospheric Research in Boulder, Colo. "If there's not enough water to meet everybody's allocation, how do you divide it up?" Officials from seven states recently forged an agreement on the current drought, which has left the Colorado River's big reservoirs ˜ Lake Powell and Lake Mead ˜ about half-empty. Without some very wet years, federal water managers say, Lake Mead may never refill. In the next couple of years, water deliveries may have to be reduced to Arizona and Nevada, whose water rights are second to California. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 5) Democrats at War WALL STREET JOURNAL EDITORIAL April 6, 2007; Page A10 [Via Email from: Walter Lippmann walterlx@earthlink.net ...bw] Democrats took Congress last fall in part by opposing the war in Iraq, but it is becoming clear that they view their election as a mandate for something far more ambitious -- to wit, promoting and executing their own foreign policy, albeit without the detail of a Presidential election. Their intentions were made plain this week with two remarkable acts by their House and Senate leaders. Majority Leader Harry Reid endorsed Senator Russ Feingold's proposal to withdraw from Iraq immediately, cutting off funds entirely within a year. He promised a vote soon, as part of what the Washington Post reported would also be a Democratic offensive to close Guantanamo, reinstate legal rights for terror suspects, and improve relations with Cuba. Meanwhile, Speaker Nancy Pelosi made her now famous sojourn to Syria, donning a head scarf and advertising that she was conducting shuttle diplomacy between Jerusalem and Damascus. If there was any doubt that her trip was intended as far more than a routine Congressional "fact-finding" trip, House Foreign Affairs Chairman Tom Lantos put it to rest by declaring that, "We have an alternative Democratic foreign policy. I view my job as beginning with restoring overseas credibility and respect for the United States." Americans should understand how extraordinary this is. There have been previous battles over U.S. foreign policy and fierce domestic criticism. In the 1990s, these columns defended Bill Clinton against "the Republican drift toward isolationism and political opportunism" amid the Kosovo conflict. But rarely in U.S. history have Congressional leaders sought to conduct their own independent diplomacy, with the Speaker acting as a Prime Minister traveling with a Secretary of State in the person of Mr. Lantos. Yes, Congressional Republicans have visited Syria too. But Ms. Pelosi isn't some minority back-bencher. Without a Democrat in the White House, she and Mr. Reid are the national leaders of their party. Even Newt Gingrich, for all his grand domestic ambitions in 1995, took a muted stand on foreign policy, realizing that in the American system the executive has the bulk of national security power. He also understood he would do the country no favors by sending a mixed message to our enemies -- at the time, Slobodan Milosevic. What was Ms. Pelosi hoping to accomplish, other than embarrassing President Bush? "We were very pleased with reassurances we received from the president that he was ready to resume the peace process," she told reporters after meeting with dictator Bashar Assad. "We expressed our interest in using our good offices in promoting peace between Israel and Syria." She purported to convey a message from Israel's Ehud Olmert expressing similar interest in "the peace process," except that the Israeli Prime Minister felt obliged to issue a clarification noting that Ms. Pelosi had got the message wrong. Israel hadn't changed its policy, which is that it will negotiate only when Mr. Assad repudiates his support for terrorism and stops trying to dominate Lebanon. As a shuttle diplomat, Ms. Pelosi needs some practice. Mr. Lantos probably got closer to their real intentions when he told reporters that "This is only the beginning of our constructive dialogue with Syria, and we hope to build on it." The Pelosi cavalcade is intended to show that if only the Bush Administration would engage in "constructive dialogue," the Syrians, Israelis and everyone else could all get along. This is the same Syrian regime that has facilitated the movement of money and insurgents to kill Americans in Iraq; that has been implicated by a U.N. probe in the murder of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri; and that has snubbed any number of U.S. overtures since the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003. Perhaps if he works hard enough, Mr. Lantos can match the 22 visits to Damascus that Bill Clinton's Secretary of State Warren Christopher made in the 1990s trying to squeeze peace from that same stone. In fact, Ms. Pelosi and Mr. Lantos both voted for the Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2003 that ordered Mr. Bush to choose from a menu of six sanctions to impose on Damascus. Mr. Bush chose the weakest two sanctions and dispatched a new Ambassador to Syria in a goodwill gesture in 2004. Only later, in the wake of the Hariri murder and clear intelligence of Syria's role in aiding Iraqi Baathists, did Mr. Bush conclude that Mr. Assad's real goal was to reassert control over Lebanon and bleed Americans in Iraq. With her trip, Ms. Pelosi has now reassured the Syrian strongman that Mr. Bush lacks the domestic support to impose any further pressure on his country. She has also made it less likely that Mr. Assad will cooperate with the Hariri probe, or assist the Iraqi government in defeating Baathist and al Qaeda terrorists. * * * Back in Washington, Harry Reid says his response to Mr. Bush's certain veto of his Iraq spending bill will be to escalate. He now supports cutting off funds and beginning an immediate withdrawal, even as General David Petraeus's surge in Baghdad unfolds and shows signs of promise. If Mr. Bush were as politically cynical as Democrats think, he'd let Mr. Reid's policy become law. Then Democrats would share responsibility for whatever mayhem happened next. So this is Democratic foreign policy: Assure our enemies that they can ignore a President who still has 21 months to serve; and wash their hands of Baghdad and of their own guilt for voting to let Mr. Bush go to war. No doubt Democrats think the President's low job approval, and public unhappiness with the war, gives them a kind of political immunity. But we wonder. Once we leave Iraq, America's enemies will still reside in the Mideast; and they will be stronger if we leave behind a failed government and bloodbath in Iraq. Mr. Bush's successor will have to contain the damage, and that person could even be a Democrat. But by reverting to their Vietnam message of retreat and by blaming Mr. Bush for all the world's ills, Democrats on Capitol Hill may once again convince voters that they can't be trusted with the White House in a dangerous world. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 6) Ford Pays Chief $28 Million for 4 Months’ Work By NICK BUNKLEY April 6, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/06/business/06ford.html?ref=businessspecial The Ford Motor Company paid its new chief executive, Alan R. Mulally, $28.18 million in his first four months on the job, the automaker said in a regulatory filing yesterday. His compensation included an $18.5 million bonus that Ford, which reported a record $12.7 billion loss last year, disclosed in September when it hired him from Boeing. Figures in Ford’s annual proxy statement show that his pay was more than three times that of any other executive at the company. That includes the executive chairman, William Clay Ford Jr., who has kept a 2005 promise not to accept any new salary, bonus or stock awards until Ford consistently earns a profit. The second-highest pay, $8.67 million, was also for only a few months’ work; it went to James J. Padilla, who retired as president and chief operating officer in July. Three executives received bonuses for their roles in reducing manufacturing capacity, cutting costs and achieving other goals as part of Ford’s overhaul plan, known as the Way Forward. The awards were part of a retention program that the company recently abandoned. Mark Fields, president of the Americas division, earned $2.29 million of his $5.57 million in total compensation from that program. Lewis W. K. Booth, executive vice president for Europe, received a $1.7 million retention incentive, while Don R. Leclair, Ford’s chief financial officer, received $1.32 million. Ford said it spent $517,560 to give Mr. Fields use of a company jet in 2006, a perk he stopped using in January after it received considerable negative publicity. Ford now buys first-class commercial airfares to fly Mr. Fields from company offices in Dearborn, Mich., to his family’s home in South Florida each weekend. Executive compensation at all three Detroit automakers has been closely scrutinized since they began revamping plans that will close dozens of factories and eliminate tens of thousands of jobs. They are trying to overcome multibillion-dollar losses and compete better with foreign-based rivals like Toyota and Honda. This year, as the automakers negotiate a new labor agreement with the United Automobile Workers union, workers are certain to resist demands for concessions if they consider executive salaries to be excessive. Union members have criticized the awarding of restricted stock option bonuses to top executives at General Motors — although G.M. paid no cash bonuses for the second consecutive year — and a proposal at Ford to pay bonuses to executives there. Ford later announced a program to pay modest bonuses of at least $300 to all employees. Mr. Mulally earned a base salary of $666,667, or $2 million annualized. He was granted a $7.5 million signing bonus and $11 million to make up for bonuses and stock options he forfeited by leaving Boeing. Ford valued the stock and option awards he received last year at $8.68 million. In his final year at Boeing, where he headed the commercial airplanes division, Mr. Mulally earned a total of $9.96 million. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 7) Comcast Chief Executive Receives $26 Million By GERALDINE FABRIKANT March 30, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/30/business/businessspecial/30comcast.pay.html?ex=1176091200&en=a355f91bce1d207c&ei=5070 The Comcast Corporation, the nation’s largest cable company, paid its chief executive, Brian L. Roberts, a total of $26 million last year, according to its proxy statement released today. That figure included a salary of $2.5 million, a bonus of $3 million and other payments including a cash bonus of $8.4 million. Mr. Roberts’s pay exceeded by just $2 million that of his father, Ralph J. Roberts, who is chairman of the executive and finance committees. The pay package for Ralph Roberts, who was a founder of the company but is no longer its chief executive or chairman, has annoyed some investors over the years. Mr. Roberts, who is 87, earned a total of $24.1 million last year, a figure that included a salary of $1.8 million, an option award of $3.7 million and another payment of $10.3 million, which included $4.1 million related to life insurance premiums. David L. Cohen, the company’s executive vice president, defended the compensation structure. "Our compensation plan is carefully designed to align executive compensation with the company’s annual and long-term performance goals and with shareholder interests,” he wrote in an e-mail message. Comcast’s stock did better last year than it had done previously, rising from $17.48 a share at the beginning of the year to $28.22 a share at the end of the year. In 2005, Glass Lewis & Company, a research firm that advises institutional shareholders on governance issues, argued that Brian Roberts, his father and three top managers were grossly overpaid. At the time several investors said privately that they were particularly annoyed that Ralph Roberts continued to receive a lucrative pay package when he was no longer chairman. In 2005, Comcast stock declined 21 percent. The company said that a portion of Ralph Roberts’ pay was determined by arrangements made when he was the chief executive. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 8) No Bonuses for Top G.M. Executives By NICK BUNKLEY March 29, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/29/business/businessspecial/29gmpay.html?ex=1176091200&en=b3bcb33a8bceaa23&ei=5070 DETROIT, March 28 — General Motors, which significantly improved its financial performance in 2006 yet did not earn a profit, said on Wednesday that for a second consecutive year, it would not pay cash bonuses to top executives. Such bonuses would undoubtedly have rankled members of the United Automobile Workers union ahead of this summer’s contract talks, although a G.M. spokeswoman, Renee Rashid-Merem, declined to say whether the pending negotiations were a factor. “It’s a decision that’s made on an annual basis,” Ms. Rashid-Merem said. She added that the decision affected about 20 managers, including the chief executive, Rick Wagoner, and the vice chairman, Robert A. Lutz. Full details on executives’ compensation will be released next month when the company files its annual proxy statement. Last week, some U.A.W. members expressed anger after G.M. disclosed in regulatory filings that Mr. Wagoner and other top executives would receive bonuses in the form of restricted stock options. G.M. had not awarded stock options since 2003. The union, which concluded a two-day collective bargaining convention Wednesday in Detroit, also grew irritated recently when executives at the Ford Motor Company said they were considering management bonuses. Instead, Ford said it would give bonuses of at least $300 to all employees. Union members say the leaders of Detroit’s automakers should not receive incentives at a time that they are eliminating tens of thousands of jobs and cutting benefits for hourly workers and retirees. Ford lost $12.7 billion last year, while G.M. posted a $2 billion loss. G.M.’s decision to forgo cash bonuses this year, as it did in 2006 after the company lost $10.4 billion, was first reported Wednesday afternoon by Bloomberg News. During this week’s bargaining convention, the U.A.W.’s president, Ron Gettelfinger, repeatedly criticized executives at the Delphi Corporation, the auto supplier that declared bankruptcy in 2005, for collecting bonuses while trying to cut hourly workers’ pay and benefits. Delphi says the $37 million in incentive pay recently approved by a bankruptcy judge is necessary to keep top executives from leaving. Mr. Gettelfinger did not specifically disparage executives at the automakers, but he made clear that the union intended to vigorously fight any demands made during the contract talks that workers agree to concessions. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 9) Cuban jet bombing suspect ordered free on bail in U.S. "Venezuela and Cuba want Luis Posada Carriles in a 1976 plane bombing that killed 73. But in this country, the former CIA operative is charged with lying to immigration officials." By Carol J. Williams Times Staff Writer April 7, 2007 http://www.latimes.com/news/printedition/asection/la-na-posada7apr07,1,7020766.story?coll=la-news-a_section MIAMI — A federal judge Friday ordered Cuban militant Luis Posada Carriles freed from a New Mexico jail, ruling he be allowed to live under electronic surveillance with his family in Miami while awaiting trial May 11 on charges of lying to immigration authorities. The move to free the 79-year-old, who is suspected of blowing up a Cuban airliner in 1976 and bombing Havana hotels in the late 1990s, sparked outrage in Cuba. The Communist Party newspaper Granma posted the news on its website under a headline that read: "Blackmail Gets Results." Posada has never been charged in U.S. courts in connection with those terrorist acts, his critics contend, because he likely threatened to disclose other violence committed during his decades of covert work with the CIA. A Bay of Pigs veteran who once served time in Panama for plotting to kill Cuban leader Fidel Castro, Posada has become a political conundrum for the Bush administration. The president and his Republican allies have benefited from the support of influential Cuban exiles in Miami, many of whom view Posada as a patriotic freedom fighter. Posada entered the United States illegally in March 2005, about eight months after he and three other Florida-based Cuban militants were pardoned on illegal weapons and conspiracy charges by outgoing Panamanian President Mireya Moscoso. The move came four years into Posada's eight-year sentence, and was seen as a favor to Bush, whose reelection in November 2004 was riding on the continued backing of Miami Cubans. The other three men, all U.S. citizens, arrived here to a hero's welcome while Posada — Cuban-born and Venezuela-naturalized — made his way home clandestinely. Posada held a Miami news conference, fueling foreign outcry that the U.S. government was providing refuge for a terrorist. He was arrested in May 2005. Cuba and Venezuela want Posada extradited to stand trial for the Cubana de Aviacion bombing that killed all 73 on board the Caracas to Havana flight. Posada escaped from prison in Venezuela in 1985 while he awaited a third trial in the jetliner bombing off Barbados. He was acquitted twice. After his 2005 arrest, Posada first was held in an immigration lockup in El Paso — where he told officials he had made his way to the United States with the help of a smuggler via Mexico and Texas. Cuban media, however, reported that Posada actually was picked up from Mexico's Yucatan peninsula by a shrimp boat owned by Cuban American developer Santiago Alvarez and brought to a Gulf Coast marina. Alvarez is in jail following a guilty plea on weapons violations charges. The El Paso immigration court ordered Posada deported in September 2005, but U.S. authorities were unable to persuade any of the seven allied countries contacted to accept him. A federal judge ruled that he couldn't be extradited to Cuba or Venezuela because of the possibility he would be tortured or abused in the custody of those governments. Last fall, Posada's Miami lawyer, Eduardo Soto, filed a writ of habeas corpus seeking his release. Another Texas judge ordered the federal government to charge Posada with a crime by Feb. 1 or release him. Then a federal grand jury in January indicted Posada on immigration violations and transferred him to a prison in Otero County, N.M. — voiding the deadline by placing him in custody pending a criminal proceeding. On Friday, shortly before the court closed for Easter weekend, U.S. District Judge Kathleen Cardone in El Paso ordered Posada released. She did not address a government request to keep him jailed pending an appeal. Posada's El Paso attorney, Felipe D.J. Millan, could not be reached for comment. But he told the Associated Press it was unlikely Posada would be released over the holiday weekend. "He deserves to go home and live in peace and enjoy his family," Millan said. "Obviously we'll do whatever we need to do to post bond. We'll try to get him [out] as soon as possible." Cardone's nine-page ruling required Posada to post a $250,000 bond, and mandated that his wife and two adult children put up $100,000 bond to ensure their compliance with other conditions of his release, including 24-hour home confinement and wearing an electronic monitoring device. carol.williams@latimes.com *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 10) City asks court to quit Abu-Jamal case By MARYCLAIRE DALE, Associated Press Writer1 April 6, 2007 http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20070406/ap_on_re_us/mumia_abu_jamal Prosecutors want the entire 3rd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals to recuse itself from the latest appeal for death-row inmate Mumia Abu-Jamal because Gov. Ed Rendell ˜ whose wife serves on the court ˜ was district attorney during his trial. Abu-Jamal, a former radio reporter and Black Panther, was convicted in 1982 of killing a police officer. In his latest appeal, his attorneys say prosecutors practiced racial discrimination during jury selection; an allegation prosecutors deny. "Since Mr. Rendell was the elected district attorney at the time in question, and so would have been responsible for the supposed 'routine' racially discriminatory practices of Philadelphia prosecutors, Abu-Jamal's accusations necessarily implicate Mr. Rendell personally," Assistant District Attorney Hugh J. Burns Jr. wrote in a motion last week. A federal judge in 2001 overturned Abu-Jamal's death sentence but upheld his conviction. Both sides appealed that ruling to the 3rd Circuit, whose members include the governor's wife, Marjorie O. Rendell. Prosecutors could simply ask for Judge Rendell to recuse herself but they want to avoid any possible grounds for a future appeal. Abu-Jamal was convicted in the Dec. 9, 1981, shooting death officer Daniel Faulkner after the officer pulled over Abu-Jamal's brother. He remains on death row during the appeals. His writings and taped speeches on the justice system have made Abu-Jamal a popular figure among activists who believe he was the victim of a racist justice system. Abu-Jamal is black; Faulkner was white. Abu-Jamal's lawyer, Robert R. Bryan of San Francisco, opposes Byrne's motion, according to court records. He did not return telephone messages seeking comment. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 11) Hot and Cold Editorial April 8,2006 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/opinion/08sun1.html?hp Last week began with a Supreme Court decision declaring that the federal government had the authority to regulate greenhouse gas emissions and all but ordering the Bush administration to do so. It ended with a report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change — the world’s authoritative voice on global warming — warning that failure to contain these emissions will have disastrous environmental effects, especially in poorer countries, which are least able to defend themselves and their people against the consequences of climate change. One would hope that these events would shake President Bush out of his state of denial and add his authority to the chorus of governors, legislators and business leaders calling for an aggressive regulatory and technological response to the dangers of global warming. They haven’t. When asked about the Supreme Court decision, the president said he thought he was already doing enough. He argued further that there was little point in the United States’ doing any more unless other polluters like China acted as well. That ignores the reality that no developing country is going to move unless the United States — which produces one-fourth of the world’s emissions with only 5 percent of its population — takes the lead. The report from the intergovernmental panel was the second of three due this year. The first concluded with “90 percent certainty” that humans had caused the rise in atmospheric temperatures over the last half-century. The most recent focused on the consequences, few of them positive. The northern latitudes will have longer growing seasons. But elsewhere climate change will lead to more severe storms, the flooding of tropical islands and coastlines inhabited by hundreds of millions of people, the likely extinction of at least one-fourth of the world’s species and, in poorer countries in Asia and Africa, drought and hunger. Some of these changes have begun. “We’re no longer arm-waving with models,” said Martin Parry, the co-chairman of the team that wrote the report. But the report also makes clear that while emissions already accumulated in the atmosphere make some damage inevitable, the worst can be avoided if the world’s nations take swift action to stabilize and then reverse emissions. What must be avoided, the report said, is a rise of 3 to 5 degrees Fahrenheit, the point at which truly devastating effects will begin to kick in. But such a rise is almost inevitable over the next century if the world continues to do business as usual. The panel’s next paper will discuss alternatives to business as usual. These policies will almost certainly require a major shift in the way energy is produced and used, as well as massive investments in new technologies. They will also be expensive. But what the world’s scientists are telling us, with increasing confidence, is that the costs of doing nothing will be far greater than the costs of acting now. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 12) Doctor’s Index Predicts Fate for Migrants in the Desert "...more than 100 adult male immigrants had died of heatstroke annually in Pima County." By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS April 8, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/us/08immig.html TUCSON, April 7 (AP) — An emergency room physician has devised a scientific index to predict the likelihood that illegal immigrants will die while walking through the Arizona desert in extreme heat conditions. The physician, Dr. Samuel Keim, concluded that the probability of death reached 50 percent when the temperature climbed to 104 degrees. “It’s like a weather forecast,” said the Rev. Robin Hoover, whose Humane Borders group maintains water stations at desert sites in southern Arizona and northern Mexico. “If he can forecast it to the U.S. Border Patrol, more of their agents can be scattered out looking for people in trouble.” Dr. Keim said he hoped to begin issuing daily forecasts by May, but he had not determined how to disseminate the information and with whom to share it. “We’re still negotiating that with various different entities,” he said, declining to give specifics because of worries that the intense political debate surrounding illegal immigration could scare off participants. Deaths of migrants on the Arizona-Mexico border have soared in recent years as tighter border security sends people to more-remote desert areas. Some migrants cross 50 or more miles of desert. In July 2005, Border Patrol agents recovered 72 dead illegal immigrants in the agency’s Tucson sector. Nearly all died from heat exposure. Ron Bellavia, commander of the Border Patrol’s rescue operations in the Tucson area, said an index like Dr. Keim’s “would be an appropriate measure to probably reduce exposure or environmental injuries.” The forecasts could also be shared with groups near Mexican migrant-staging areas, where the warnings could be posted, Mr. Hoover said. For years, the Border Patrol and the Mexican government have issued announcements about the desert’s heat-related perils, but Dr. Keim said he did not know whether migrants read or heeded them. Dr. Keim matched heatstroke victims with dates of death and desert temperatures using data collected from 2002 to 2006 in Pima County. Dr. Keim, an associate professor at the University of Arizona and an emergency room physician in Tucson, said that in recent years more than 100 adult male immigrants had died of heatstroke annually in Pima County. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 13) Trail of Tears By ELIZABETH ROYTE (RE: THE LONG EXILE A Tale of Inuit Betrayal and Survival in the High Arctic. By Melanie McGrath. 268 pp. Alfred A. Knopf. $24.95.) http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/books/review/Royte.t.html?_r=1&adxnnl=1&oref=slogin&adxnnlx=1176050987-kCJ3ZpwQ2uOi7Yadi5MjcA Throughout human history, seemingly simple turns of events have changed the fates of individuals and nations. In 1906, Thomas Watt Coslett invented a way to keep iron corset stays from rusting, and the bottom fell out of the whale-bone market. The whalers who remained on the eastern shore of Hudson Bay switched to trading for the creamy pelts of the Arctic fox, which local Inuit, on the Ungava Peninsula, began to trap in ever greater numbers. But when prices for skins fell in 1950, at a time when fox populations had also crashed, trappers — formerly subsistence hunters — moved to trading posts and begged rations from the Canadian police. Meanwhile the cold war raged, and the Canadian government became increasingly concerned about its sovereignty in the east Arctic archipelago. The United States and Canada jointly ran a weather station on Ellesmere Island, but Canadian officials wanted permanent residents there. The remedy to both the geopolitical and welfare problems was simple: uproot the Ungava Inuit and plant them 1,200 miles north, on Ellesmere. In “The Long Exile,” Melanie McGrath tells the story of this forced relocation — a tale of almost unrelenting horror — with so much moral vigor and descriptive verve that one quits reading only long enough to shake one’s head in disbelief. And then, with a shiver, reads on. To succeed on Hudson Bay, the Inuit needed to know everything about their immediate surroundings: the landmarks, the animals’ travel and migration routes, the location of fresh-water springs, berries, bird eggs and willow-worm cocoons to dip into seal fat for dinner. Describing the land’s natural features with lyrical precision, McGrath emphasizes that the harsh physical realities of this place shaped not only how the Inuit lived but also their personalities, making a strong case that psychology is destiny. At one time, expressing rage, lust or ambition were considered so threatening to Inuit group survival that persistent offenders were banished. But while serenity and self-restraint were adaptive in the Inuit’s ancestral environment, their unwillingness to speak out, on Ellesmere, would almost kill them. It was the late summer of 1953 when the Canadian government deposited three reluctant Inuit families, including a master carver named Paddy Aqiatusuk, on a narrow Ellesmere beach. They had been promised abundant game and a return ticket in one year’s time if they were unhappy. They were, in fact, instantly miserable. At 81 degrees north latitude, Ellesmere is, McGrath notes, the harshest terrain that humans have ever continuously inhabited. A high arctic desert, its interior is “an impenetrable mass of frozen crags and deep fjords.” The Inuit soon learned that marine mammals were scarce, as were caribou, fox and fresh water. Their clothing wasn’t warm enough, and their sleds and harnesses were all wrong for the rocky terrain. The rough waters made hunting by kayak impossible, and the dry wind made their dogs’ lungs bleed. Sufficient snow for snow houses arrived late, leaving the settlers in flimsy canvas tents until late winter. There wasn’t enough fuel for fires. The air was almost 30 degrees colder than back home, and the near constant wind made it feel more than 50 degrees worse. Four months of darkness “made hunting an almost daily terror,” McGrath writes. Ellesmere supported a small musk ox population, but the police detachment, 40 miles from the Inuit encampment, forbade killing them. The starving Inuit ate bird feathers, made broth from boot liners. “The children leaked diarrhea then vomit which the women in the camp fed to the dogs rather than have it go to waste.” Too reticent to complain, even when to save her family from starvation, Aqiatusuk’s 6-year-old granddaughter was forced onto the ice to hunt in total darkness, the Inuit persevered. When they finally screwed up their courage and asked to go home, the police refused. It was logistically complicated: the Inuit must cope. Government careers were on the line: the colony had to succeed. Its inhabitants were the equivalent of national flags fluttering in the wind. McGrath, wickedly talented, brings every bit of this to life (helped by her Inuit subjects’ preternatural memory for details). We hear the gnash of the ice (“a terrible, raw, geologic sound”), feel the pangs of hunger and thirst. We feel, too, the Inuit’s aching sense of abandonment and betrayal, their utter disorientation in a land where they knew nothing of the animal routes, the sea’s eddies and currents or the habits of wind and ice. Such details are not a matter of comfort, they are a matter of survival. McGrath is a meticulous researcher — she took the trouble to learn the names and colors of lichens that grow on rocks beneath bird colonies and fox lookouts — and she writes as if she’d lived in the Arctic for years. The book moves quickly, to a drumbeat of doom. As the Inuit approach their new home, “the frail summer had already begun to sicken and the sky pressed down on the land like a dead hand.” McGrath, who has written three previous books, is smart to focus on Aqiatusuk and his extended family. They humanize her tale, which includes a history of exploration in the eastern Canadian Arctic and of the relentless exploitation of Inuits by whites. Aqiatusuk was the adoptive father of a boy named Josephie, whose real father was the American Robert Flaherty, the director of “Nanook of the North.” Filmed on the Ungava Peninsula in the 1920s, the so-called documentary idealized the Inuit as innocents in an unblemished land. The movie colored the Western view of Inuit life in the Arctic for generations as it traveled the globe winning prizes, immortalizing a world that never existed. Actually, the Inuit way of life was already tainted by white fur traders by the time Flaherty arrived (he himself was financially backed by a trader), and the film’s starring family was entirely contrived, just like the settlement on Ellesmere, a place with no history or purpose beyond politics. According to McGrath, Flaherty made Nanook out of admiration for the Inuit’s “raw unquestioning confidence,” qualities shattered by the move to Ellesmere. As an adult, Josephie Flaherty, whose mother starred in “Nanook” (and cohabited with Flaherty), would follow Aqiatusuk to Ellesmere and die there, a broken man. But his daughter Martha, the child hunter and granddaughter of Robert Flaherty, eventually escaped and later forced the Canadian government to reckon with its crimes. As the years wore on, the Inuit gradually learned how to survive on Ellesmere. They constructed huts from scrap wood, revamped their sleds and dog harnesses. They learned the beluga’s migration route and would eventually hunt over a range of 6,864 square miles each year. In 1962, the government sent a teacher to the island, but only two school books: one on how to run a bank, the other called “The Roads of Texas.” Forty years after the first families left Ungava for Ellesmere, the Canadian government held hearings to investigate the relocation program. At its conclusion, the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples called the relocation “one of the worst human rights violations in the history of Canada.” The country was shocked by the abuse and arrogance of its leaders, who eventually made financial reparations of 10 million Canadian dollars to the survivors and their families. But the government has yet to apologize. Elizabeth Royte, whose “Garbage Land: On the Secret Trail of Trash,” has recently been published in paperback, is a frequent contributor to the Book Review. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 14) Sociable Darwinism By NATALIE ANGIER April 8, 2007 (RE:EVOLUTION FOR EVERYONE How Darwin’s Theory Can Change the Way We Think About Our Lives. By David Sloan Wilson. 390 pp. Delacorte Press. $24. http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/08/books/review/Angier.t.html?ref=review Just as in the classic clashes of nature, where every mutational upgrade in a carnivore’s strength or cunning is soon countered by a speedier or more paranoid model of antelope, so the pitched struggle between evolutionary theory and its deniers has yielded a bristling diversity of ploys and counterploys. The heavyhanded biblical literalism of creationist science evolves into the feints and curlicues of intelligent design, and the casual dismissiveness with which scientists long regarded the anti-evolutionists gives way to a belated awareness that, gee, the public doesn’t seem to realize how fatuous the other side is, and maybe it’s time to combat the creationist phylum head on. And so, over the last few years, scientists have unleashed a blitzkrieg of books in defense of Darwinism, summarizing the Everest of supportive evidence for evolutionary theory, filleting the arguments of the naysayers or reciting, yet again, the story of Charles Darwin, depressive naturalist extraordinaire, whose increasingly pervasive avuncular profile has lofted him to logo status on par with Einstein and the Nike swoosh. David Sloan Wilson, an evolutionary biologist at Binghamton University, takes a different and decidedly refreshing approach. Rather than catalog its successes, denounce its detractors or in any way present evolutionary theory as the province of expert tacticians like himself, Wilson invites readers inside and shows them how Darwinism is done, and at lesson’s end urges us to go ahead, feel free to try it at home. The result is a sprightly, absorbing and charmingly earnest book that manages a minor miracle, the near-complete emulsifying of science and the “real world,” ingredients too often kept stubbornly, senselessly apart. Only when Wilson seeks to add religion to the mix, and to show what natural, happy symbionts evolutionary biology and religious faith can be, does he begin to sound like a corporate motivational speaker or a political candidate glad-handing the crowd. In Wilson’s view, Darwin’s theory of evolution by natural selection has the beauty of being both simple and profound. Unlike quantum mechanics or the general theory of relativity, the basic concepts behind evolutionary theory are easy to grasp; and once grasped, he argues, they can be broadly applied to better understand ourselves and the world — the world both as it is and as it might be, with the right bit of well-informed coaxing. Wilson has long been interested in the evolution of cooperative and altruistic behavior, and much of the book is devoted to the premise that “goodness can evolve, at least when the appropriate conditions are met.” As he sees it, all of life is characterized by a “cosmic” struggle between good and evil, the high-strung terms we apply to behaviors that are either cooperative or selfish, civic or anomic. The constant give-and-take between me versus we extends down to the tiniest and most primal elements of life. Short biochemical sequences may want to replicate themselves ad infinitum, their neighboring sequences be damned; yet genes get together under the aegis of cells and reproduce in orderly fashion as genomes, as collectives of sequences, setting aside some of their immediate selfish urges for the sake of long-term genomic survival. Cells further collude as organs, and organs pool their talents and become bodies. The conflict between being well behaved, being good, not gulping down more than your share, and being selfish enough to get your fair share, “is eternal and encompasses virtually all species on earth,” he writes, and it likely occurs on any other planet that supports life, too, “because it is predicted at such a fundamental level by evolutionary theory.” How do higher patterns of cooperative behavior emerge from aggregates of small, selfish units? With carrots, sticks and ceaseless surveillance. In the human body, for example, nascent tumor cells arise on a shockingly regular basis, each determined to replicate without bound; again and again, immune cells attack the malignancies, destroying the outlaw cells and themselves in the process. The larger body survives to breed, and hence spawn a legacy far sturdier than any tumor mass could manage. As with our bodies, so with our behaviors. Wilson explores the many fascinating ways in which humans are the consummate group-thinking, team-playing animal. The way we point things out to one another, for example, is unique among primates. “Apes raised with people learn to point for things that they want but never point to call the attention of their human caretakers to objects of mutual interest,” Wilson writes, “something that human infants start doing around their first birthday.” The eyes of other apes are dark across their entire span and thus are hard to follow, but the contrast between the white sclera and colored iris of the human eye makes it difficult for people to conceal the direction in which they are looking. In the interdependent, egalitarian context of the tribe, the ancestral human setting, Wilson says, “it becomes advantageous for members of the team to share information, turning the eyes into organs of communication in addition to organs of vision.” Humans are equipped with all the dispositional tools needed to establish and maintain order in the commons. Studies have revealed a deep capacity for empathy, a willingness to trust others and become instant best friends; and an equally strong urge to punish cheaters, to exact revenge against those who buck group rules for private gain. Of course, even as humans bond together in groups and behave with impressive civility toward their neighbors, they are capable of treating those outside the group with ruthless savagery. Wilson is not naïve, and he recognizes the ease with which humans fall into an us-versus-them mind-set. Yet he is a self-described optimist, and he believes that the golden circles of we-ness, the conditions that encourage entities at every stratum of life to stop competing and instead pool their labors into a communally acting mega-entity, can be expanded outward like ripples on a pond until they encompass all of us — that the entire human race can evolve the culturally primed if not genetically settled incentive to see our futures for what they are, inexorably linked on the lone blue planet we share. Toward the end of the book he offers a series of evolutionarily informed suggestions on how we might help widen the geometry of good will, beginning with the italicized, boldface pronouncement that “we are not fated by our genes to engage in violent conflict.” Our bloody past does not foretell an inevitably bloody future, and violent behaviors that make grim sense in one context can become maladaptive in another. “The Vikings of Iceland were among the fiercest people on earth, and now they are the most peaceful,” he observes. “In principle, it is possible to completely eliminate violent conflict by eliminating its preferred ‘habitat.’ ” For their universal appeal and basal power to harmonize a crowd, he recommends more music and dancing and asks, “Could we establish world peace if everyone at the United Nations showed up in leotards?” He also believes that the world’s religions should be tapped for their “wisdom.” This is a fine idea in the abstract, but given current events and the fissuring of the world along so many theo-sectarian lines, I wish we could forgo the sermon and just strike up the band. Natalie Angier is a science columnist for The Times. Her latest book, “The Canon: A Whirligig Tour Through the Beautiful Basics of Science,” will be published in May. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 15) Sweet Little Lies By PAUL KRUGMAN Op-Ed Columnist April 9, 2007 http://select.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/opinion/09krugman.html?hp Four years into a war fought to eliminate a nonexistent threat, we all have renewed appreciation for the power of the Big Lie: people tend to believe false official claims about big issues, because they can’t picture their leaders being dishonest about such things. But there’s another political lesson I don’t think has sunk in: the power of the Little Lie — the small accusation invented out of thin air, followed by another, and another, and another. Little Lies aren’t meant to have staying power. Instead, they create a sort of background hum, a sense that the person facing all these accusations must have done something wrong. For a long time, basically from 9/11 until the last remnants of President Bush’s credibility drowned in New Orleans, the Bush administration was able to go big on its deceptions. Most people found it inconceivable that an American president would, for example, assert without evidence that Saddam and Al Qaeda were allies. Mr. Bush won the 2004 election because a quorum of voters still couldn’t believe he would grossly mislead them on matters of national security. Before 9/11, however, the right-wing noise machine mainly relied on little lies. And now it has returned to its roots. The Clinton years were a parade of fake scandals: Whitewater, Troopergate, Travelgate, Filegate, Christmas-card-gate. At the end, there were false claims that Clinton staff members trashed the White House on their way out. Each pseudoscandal got headlines, air time and finger-wagging from the talking heads. The eventual discovery in each case that there was no there there, if reported at all, received far less attention. The effect was to make an administration that was, in fact, pretty honest and well run — especially compared with its successor — seem mired in scandal. Even in the post-9/11 environment, little lies never went away. In particular, promoting little lies seems to have been one of the main things U.S. attorneys, as loyal Bushies, were expected to do. For example, David Iglesias, the U.S. Attorney in New Mexico, appears to have been fired because he wouldn’t bring unwarranted charges of voter fraud. There’s a lot of talk now about a case in Wisconsin, where the Bush-appointed U.S. attorney prosecuted the state’s purchasing supervisor over charges that a court recently dismissed after just 26 minutes of oral testimony, with one judge calling the evidence “beyond thin.” But by then the accusations had done their job: the unjustly accused official had served almost four months in prison, and the case figured prominently in attack ads alleging corruption in the Democratic governor’s administration. This is the context in which you need to see the wild swings Republicans have been taking at Nancy Pelosi. First, there were claims that the speaker of the House had demanded a lavish plane for her trips back to California. One Republican leader denounced her “arrogance of extravagance” — then, when it became clear that the whole story was bogus, admitted that he had never had any evidence. Now there’s Ms. Pelosi’s fact-finding trip to Syria, which Dick Cheney denounced as “bad behavior” — unlike the visit to Syria by three Republican congressmen a few days earlier, or Newt Gingrich’s trip to China when he was speaker. Ms. Pelosi has responded coolly, dismissing the administration’s reaction as a “tantrum.” But it’s more than that: the hysterical reaction to her trip is part of a political strategy, aided and abetted by news organizations that give little lies their time in the sun. Fox News, which is a partisan operation in all but name, plays a crucial role in the Little Lie strategy — which is why there is growing pressure on Democratic politicians not to do anything, like participating in Fox-hosted debates, that helps Fox impersonate a legitimate news organization. But Fox has had plenty of help. Even Time’s Joe Klein, a media insider if anyone is, wrote of the Pelosi trip that “the media coverage of this on CNN and elsewhere has been abysmal.” For example, CNN ran a segment about Ms. Pelosi’s trip titled “Talking to Terrorists.” The G.O.P.’s reversion to the Little Lie technique is a symptom of political weakness, of a party reduced to trivial smears because it has nothing else to offer. But the technique will remain effective — and the U.S. political scene will remain ugly — as long as many people in the news media keep playing along. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 16) 6-Year-Olds Under Arrest By BOB HERBERT Op-Ed Columnist Avon Park, Fla. April 9, 2007 http://select.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/opinion/09herbert.html?hp When 6-year-old Desre’e Watson threw a tantrum in her kindergarten class a couple of weeks ago she could not have known that the full force of the law would be brought down on her and that she would be carted off by the police as a felon. But that’s what happened in this small, backward city in central Florida. According to the authorities, there were no other options. “The student became violent,” said Frank Mercurio, the no-nonsense chief of the Avon Park police. “She was yelling, screaming — just being uncontrollable. Defiant.” “But she was 6,” I said. The chief’s reply came faster than a speeding bullet: “Do you think this is the first 6-year-old we’ve arrested?” The child’s tantrum occurred on the morning of March 28 at the Avon Elementary School. According to the police report, “Watson was upset and crying and wailing and would not leave the classroom to let them study, causing a disruption of the normal class activities.” After a few minutes, Desre’e was, in fact, taken to another room. She was “isolated,” the chief said. But she would not calm down. She flailed away at the teachers who tried to control her. She pulled one woman’s hair. She was kicking. I asked the chief if anyone had been hurt. “Yes,” he said. At least one woman reported “some redness.” After 20 minutes of this “uncontrollable” behavior, the police were called in. At the sight of the two officers, Chief Mercurio said, Desre’e “tried to take flight.” She went under a table. One of the police officers went after her. Each time the officer tried to grab her to drag her out, Desre’e would pull her legs away, the chief said. Ultimately the child was no match for Avon Park’s finest. The cops pulled her from under the table and handcuffed her. The officers were not fooling around. In the eyes of the cops the 6-year-old was a criminal, and in Avon Park she would be treated like any other felon. There was a problem, though. The handcuffs were not manufactured with kindergarten kids in mind. The chief explained: “You can’t handcuff them on their wrists because their wrists are too small, so you have to handcuff them up by their biceps.” As I sat listening to Chief Mercurio in a spotless, air-conditioned conference room at the Avon Park police headquarters, I had the feeling that I had somehow stumbled into the middle of a skit on “Saturday Night Live.” The chief seemed like the most reasonable of men, but what was coming out of his mouth was madness. He handed me a copy of the police report: black female. Six years old. Thin build. Dark complexion. Desre’e was put in the back of a patrol car and driven to the police station. “Then,” said Chief Mercurio, “she was transported to central booking, which is the county jail.” The child was fingerprinted and a mug shot was taken. “Those are the normal procedures for anyone who is arrested,” the chief said. Desre’e was charged with battery on a school official, which is a felony, and two misdemeanors: disruption of a school function and resisting a law enforcement officer. After a brief stay at the county jail, she was released to the custody of her mother. The arrest of this child, who should have been placed in the care of competent, comforting professionals rather than being hauled off to jail, is part of an outlandish trend of criminalizing very young children that has spread to many school districts and law enforcement agencies across the country. A highly disproportionate number of those youngsters, like Desre’e, are black. In Baltimore last month, the police arrested, handcuffed and hauled away a 7-year-old black boy for allegedly riding a dirt bike on the sidewalk. The youngster was released and the mayor, Sheila Dixon, apologized for the incident, saying the arrest was inappropriate. Last spring a number of civil rights organizations collaborated on a study of disciplinary practices in Florida schools and concluded that many of them, “like many districts in other states, have turned away from traditional education-based disciplinary methods — such as counseling, after-school detention, or extra homework assignments — and are looking to the legal system to handle even the most minor transgressions.” Once you adopt the mindset that ordinary childhood misbehavior is criminal behavior, it’s easy to start seeing young children as somehow monstrous. “Believe me when I tell you,” said Chief Mercurio, “a 6-year-old can inflict injury to you just as much as any other person.” *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 17) Guantánamo Detainees Stage Hunger Strike By TIM GOLDEN April 9, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/us/09hunger.html A long-term hunger strike has broken out at the American detention center at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba, with more than a dozen prisoners subjecting themselves to daily force- feeding to protest their treatment, military officials and lawyers for the detainees say. Lawyers for several hunger strikers said their clients’ actions were driven by harsh conditions in a new maximum security complex. About 160 of the roughly 385 Guantánamo detainees have been moved to the complex since December. Thirteen detainees are now on hunger strikes, the largest number to endure the force-feeding regimen on an extended basis since early 2006, when the military broke a long- running strike with a new policy of strapping prisoners into restraint chairs while they are fed by plastic tubes inserted through their nostrils. The hunger strikers are now monitored so closely that they have virtually no chance to starve themselves. Yet their persistence underscores how the struggle between detainees and guards at Guantánamo has continued even as the military has tightened its control in the past year. “We don’t have any rights here, even after your Supreme Court said we had rights,” one hunger striker, Majid al-Joudi, told a military doctor, according to medical records released recently under a federal court order. “If the policy does not change, you will see a big increase in fasting.” A military spokesman at Guantánamo, Cmdr. Robert Durand of the Navy, played down the significance of the current strike, calling the prisoners’ complaints “propaganda.” But the protests come as criticism of Guantánamo continues to rise in the United States and abroad. Last week, after the Supreme Court denied a new appeal on behalf of the detainees, the head of the International Committee of the Red Cross delivered a rare public reprimand to the Bush administration, saying the prisoners’ ability to contest their detention was inadequate. Newly released Pentagon documents show that during earlier hunger strikes, before the use of the restraint chairs, some detainees lost more than 30 pounds in a matter of weeks. By comparison, the current hunger strike — in which 12 of the 13 detainees were being force-fed as of Friday — seems almost symbolic. For instance, the medical records for Mr. Joudi, a 36-year-old Saudi, showed that when he was hospitalized on Feb. 10, he had been fasting for 31 days and had lost more than 15 percent of his body weight. By the time he was transferred a few days later to a “feeding block” where more serious hunger strikers are segregated from other prisoners, his condition had stabilized and his weight was nearly back to an ideal level for a man his size. (His exact weight gain was not recorded.) Mr. Joudi was subsequently flown home and turned over to the Saudi authorities, his lawyer said. Lawyers for several detainees held in the new maximum security complex, known as Camp 6, compared it to “supermax” prisons in the United States. The major differences, they said, are that the detainees have limited reading material and no television, and only 10 of the Guantánamo prisoners have been charged. The Camp 6 inmates are generally locked in their 8-foot-by-10-foot cells for at least 22 hours a day, emerging only to exercise in small wire cages and to shower. Besides those times, they can talk with other prisoners only by shouting through food slots in the steel doors of their cells. “My wish is to die,” one reported hunger striker in the camp, Adnan Farhan Abdullatif, a 27-year old Yemeni, told his lawyer on Feb. 27, according to recently declassified notes of the meeting. “We are living in a dying situation.” Commander Durand, the Guantánamo spokesman, dismissed such accounts as part of an effort by the prisoners and their lawyers to discredit the detention mission. He described the new unit as much more comfortable than the detainees’ previous quarters, and denied that they suffered any greater sense of isolation in the new cell blocks. “This was designed to improve living conditions,” Commander Durand said, “and we think it has.” Camp 6 was originally designed as a modern, medium- security prison complex for up to 200 inmates, with common areas where they could gather for meals and a large fenced athletic field where they could jog or play soccer outside the high concrete walls. But after a riot last May and the suicides of three prisoners in June, the unit was retrofitted before opening to limit the detainees’ freedom and reduce the risk that they might hurt themselves or attack guards, military officials said. As Camp 6 was opening, senior officials expressed concern about how prisoners would react to its greater isolation. Most had been held in makeshift blocks of wire-mesh cells that — while often hot, noisy and lacking privacy — allowed them to communicate easily, pray together and even pass written messages. Guantánamo’s other maximum-security unit, Camp 5, has cells that face each other across a short hallway, allowing the roughly 100 detainees there to converse fairly easily. In Camp 6, the prisoners can see one another from their cells only when one of them is being moved. At other times, they look out on the stainless- steel picnic tables in the common areas they are not allowed to use. Lawyers for several Camp 6 detainees said their clients were despondent about the move even though, as military officials note, the new cells are 27 square feet larger than the old ones and have air-conditioning, nicer toilets and sinks, and a small desk anchored to the wall. “They’re just sitting on a powder keg down there,” said one lawyer, Sabin Willett, who, like others, described growing desperation among the prisoners. “You’re going to have an insane asylum.” Lawyers who visited Guantánamo recently said the detainees reported a higher number of hunger strikers than had the military — perhaps 40 or more. Military officials said there were sometimes “stealth hunger strikers,” who pretend to eat or surreptitiously vomit after eating, but they dismissed the detainees’ estimates as exaggerations. Because reporters are prevented from speaking with detainees or visiting most of their cell blocks, it is difficult to verify the conflicting accounts. Hunger strikes have been part of life at Guantánamo almost since the detention center opened in January 2002. They reached a peak in September 2005, when more than 130 detainees were classified as hunger strikers, having refused at least nine consecutive meals, military records show. As the strikes went on, some detainees being force-fed continued to lose weight by vomiting or siphoning their stomachs with the feeding tubes. But by early February 2006, shortly after the military began using restraint chairs during the forced feedings, the number of hunger strikers plunged to three. The number rose again sharply but briefly last May, reaching 86 after three detainees attempted suicide and a riot broke out as the guards searched for contraband. Yet even then, no more than seven strikers were forced into the restraint chair regimen. Three detainees who had been hunger strikers hung themselves on June 10. After July, no more than three detainees subjected themselves to extended forced feeding. That number began to grow again as detainees were moved into Camp 6 in December. By mid-March, the number of hunger strikers reached 17. For the first time, as many as 15 detainees continued with the strikes despite being force-fed in the restraint chairs. Military officials have described the restraint chair regimen as unpleasant but necessary. They originally said prisoners needed to be restrained while digesting, so they could not purge what they were fed. Now, the rationale has changed. The restraints are generally applied “for safety of the detainee and medical staff,” records show, and they are kept on for as little as 15 minutes at a time, rather than the two hours commonly used before. Afterward, the prisoners are moved to a “dry cell” and monitored to make sure they do not vomit. Even so, some detainees describe the experience as painful, even gruesome. One Sudanese detainee, Sami al-Hajj, a 38-year-old former cameraman for Al Jazeera, described feeling at one point that he could not bear the tube for another instant. “I said I would begin to scream unless they took it out,” he wrote in a recent diary entry given to his lawyer. “They finally did.” Stephen H. Oleskey, who represents Saber Lahmar, an Algerian religious scholar whom military officials accused of propagating a religious legal ruling that was linked to the suicides, said of his client: “The man has been in segregation — virtual isolation — for over nine months. Physically and emotionally, he’s collapsing. We think this punishment does exceed what the law allows, and that he won’t survive.” Military officials said Mr. Lahmar and other detainees had received adequate medical attention. Margot Williams and William Glaberson contributed reporting. *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 18) Army Is Cracking Down on Deserters By PAUL von ZIELBAUER April 9, 2007 http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/09/us/09awol.html?ref=us Army prosecutions of desertion and other unauthorized absences have risen sharply in the last four years, resulting in thousands more negative discharges and prison time for both junior soldiers and combat-tested veterans of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, Army records show. The increased prosecutions are meant to serve as a deterrent to a growing number of soldiers who are ambivalent about heading — or heading back — to Iraq and may be looking for a way out, several Army lawyers said in interviews. Using courts-martial for these violations, which before 2002 were treated mostly as unpunished nuisances, is a sign that active-duty forces are being stretched to their limits, military lawyers and mental health experts said. “They are scraping to get people to go back, and people are worn out,” said Dr. Thomas Grieger, a senior Navy psychiatrist. Though there are no current studies to show how combat stress affects desertion rates, Dr. Grieger cited several examples of soldiers absconding or refusing to return to Iraq because of psychiatric reasons brought on by wartime deployments. At an Army base in Alaska last year, for example, “there was one guy who literally chopped off his trigger finger with an axe to prevent his deployment,” Dr. Grieger said in an interview. The Army prosecuted desertion far less often in the late 1990s, when desertions were more frequent, than it does now, when there are comparatively fewer. From 2002 through 2006, the average annual rate of Army prosecutions of desertion tripled compared with the five- year period from 1997 to 2001, to roughly 6 percent of deserters, from 2 percent, Army data shows. Between these two five-year spans — one prewar and one during wartime — prosecutions for similar crimes, like absence without leave or failing to appear for unit missions, have more than doubled, to an average of 390 per year from an average of 180 per year, Army data shows. In total, the Army since 2002 has court-martialed twice as many soldiers for desertion and other unauthorized absences as it did on average each year between 1997 and 2001. Deserters are soldiers who leave a post or fail to show up for an assignment with the intent to stay away. Soldiers considered absent without leave, or AWOL, which presumes they plan to return, are classified as deserters and dropped from a unit’s rolls after 30 days. Most soldiers who return from unauthorized absences are punished and discharged. Few return to regular duty. Officers said the crackdown reflected an awareness by top Army and Defense Department officials that desertions, which occurred among more than 1 percent of the active-duty force in 2000 for the first time since the post-Vietnam era, were in a sustained upswing again after ebbing in 2003, the first year of the Iraq war. At the same time, the increase highlights a cycle long known to Army researchers: as the demand for soldiers increases during a war, desertions rise and the Army tends to lower enlistment standards, recruiting more people with questionable backgrounds who are far more likely to become deserters. In the 2006 fiscal year, 3,196 soldiers deserted, the Army said, a figure that has been climbing since the 2004 fiscal year, when 2,357 soldiers absconded. In the first quarter of the current fiscal year, which began Oct. 1, 871 soldiers deserted, a rate that, if it stays on pace, would produce 3,484 desertions for the fiscal year, an 8 percent increase over 2006. The Army said the desertion rate was within historical norms, and that the surge in prosecutions, which are at the discretion of unit commanders, was not a surprise given the impact that absent soldiers can have during wartime. “The nation is at war, and the Army treats the offense of desertion more seriously,” Maj. Anne D. Edgecomb, an Army spokeswoman, said. “The Army’s leadership will take whatever measures they believe are appropriate if they see a continued upward trend in desertion, in order to maintain the health of the force.” Army studies and interviews also suggest a link between the rising rate of desertions and the expanding use of moral waivers to recruit people with poor academic records and low-level criminal convictions. At least 1 in 10 deserters surveyed after returning to the Army from 2002 to mid-2004 required a waiver to enter the service, a report by the Army Research Institute found. “We’re enlisting more dropouts, people with more law violations, lower test scores, more moral issues,” said a senior noncommissioned officer involved in Army personnel and recruiting. “We’re really scraping the bottom of the barrel trying to get people to join.” (Army officials agreed to discuss the issue on the condition that they not be quoted by name.) The officer said the Army National Guard last week authorized 34 states and Guam to enlist the lowest- ranking group of eligible recruits, those who scored between 16 and 30 on the armed services aptitude test. Federal law bars recruits who scored lower than 16 from enlisting. Desertions, while a chronic problem for the Army, are nowhere near as common as they were at the height of the Vietnam War. From 1968 to 1971, for instance, about 5 percent of enlisted men deserted. But the rate of desertion today, after four years of fighting two ground wars, is “being taken much more seriously because we were losing so many soldiers out of the Army that there was a recognized need to attack the problem from a different way,” said an Army criminal defense lawyer. In interviews, the lawyer and two other Army lawyers each traced the spike in prosecutions to a policy change at the beginning of 2002 that required commanders to welcome back soldiers who deserted or went AWOL. Before that, most deserters, who are often young, undistinguished soldiers who have fallen out of favor with their sergeants, were given administrative separations and sent home with other-than-honorable discharges. The new policy, ordered by the secretary of the army, effectively eliminated the incentive among squad sergeants to urge returning AWOL soldiers to stay away for at least 30 days, when they would be classified as deserters under the old rules and dropped from the roll. But some unit commanders, wary of scrutiny from their superiors, go out of their way to improperly keep deserted soldiers on their rosters, and on the Army’s payroll, two officers said in interviews. To counter that, the Army adopted a new policy in January 2005 requiring commanders to formally report absent soldiers within 48 hours. Such problems are costly. From October 2000 to February 2002, the Army improperly paid more than $6.6 million to 7,544 soldiers who had deserted or were otherwise absent, according to a July 2006 report by the Government Accountability Office. Most deserters list dissatisfaction with Army life or family problems as primary reasons for their absence, and most go AWOL in the United States. But since 2003, 109 soldiers have been convicted of going AWOL or deserting war zones in Iraq or Afghanistan, usually during their scheduled two-week leaves in the United States, Army officials said. With the Iraq war in its fifth year, a new subset of deserter is emerging, military doctors and lawyers said: accomplished soldiers who abscond reluctantly, as a result of severe emotional trauma from their battle experiences. James, a 26-year-old paratrooper twice deployed to Iraq and Afghanistan, went AWOL in July after being reassigned to Fort Bliss, Tex., an Army post in the mountainous high-desert region near El Paso. “The places I was in in Iraq and Afghanistan look exactly like Fort Bliss,” said James, who agreed to talk about his case on the condition that his last name not be printed. “It starts messing with your head — ‘I’m really back there.’ ” In December, he and another deserter, Ronnie, 28, who also asked that his last name not be used, tried to surrender to the authorities at Fort Bliss. A staff sergeant told them not to bother, James said. James and Ronnie, who both have five years of service, suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder and abuse alcohol to self-medicate, said Dr. David M. Walker, a former Air Force psychiatrist who has examined both men. With help from lawyers, James and Ronnie returned to Fort Bliss on Tuesday. They were charged with desertion and face courts-martial and possibly a few months in a military brig. “If I could stay in the military, get help, that’s what I want,” said Ronnie, who completed an 18-month combat tour in Kirkuk, Iraq, with the 25th Infantry Division in 2004. The Army said combat-related stress had not caused many soldiers to desert. Major Edgecomb, the spokeswoman, said more than 80 percent of the past year’s deserters had been soldiers for less than three years, and could not have been deployed more than once. Morten G. Ender, a sociologist at the United States Military Academy at West Point, said soldiers’ decisions to go AWOL or desert might come in response to a family crisis — a threat by a spouse to leave if they deploy again, for instance, or a child- custody battle. “It’s not just that they don’t want to be in a war zone anymore,” Dr. Ender said. “We saw that a lot during Vietnam, and we see that a lot in the military now.” *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* *---------*---------*---------*---------*---------*---------* 19) CLOSE CONTACT To Woo Afghan Locals, U.S. Troops Settle In Tactic Wins Friends, Isolates Insurgents, But Boosts Casualties By MICHAEL M. PHILLIPS April 9, 2007; Page A1 WALL STREET JOURNAL [VIA Email from: Walter Lippmann walterlx@earthlink.net ...bw] WAYGAL, Afghanistan -- One sunny morning last month, a group of bearded men stood beside the gurgling Waygal River and stared as a helicopter loaded with heavily armed Americans dropped out of the sky and into their cornfield. The moment the rear ramp opened, the soldiers ran for cover behind stone terraces and leafless trees. They had reason to be wary. These mountains are notorious for sheltering Taliban and al Qaeda fighters, and the soldiers were the first Americans to set foot in Waygal since the Afghan war began in 2001. But instead of a hail of bullets, the soldiers got an invitation to dinner. When First Lt. Eric Malmstrom, a fresh-faced University of Pennsylvania graduate, approached the hirsute reception committee, village leader Ghulam Sakhi's most pressing question was, "Why didn't you come sooner?" A year ago, U.S. commanders here would have been reluctant to insert a small force of infantrymen into a remote village. But, along the Pech River and tributaries such as the Waygal, one 750-man U.S. Army battalion is trying a risky, grueling way to isolate the insurgents and win the support of the villagers. Instead of operating out of safe rear bases and commuting to the war, for the past year the soldiers of the First Battalion, 32nd Infantry Regiment have lived on the battlefield, in a series of small, rudimentary encampments situated among the disputed villages themselves. It's an intimate style of warfare and, for the Americans, a brutal one. They go weeks without showers or decent food. They live every day exposed to enemy fire, and it has cost them dearly. Over the past year, 1-32 has lost 19 men, almost half of the deaths in the entire 5,000-man brigade. The Americans and their Afghan National Army allies live among the people on the valley floor, while the insurgents -- Taliban, al Qaeda and other fighters of various stripes -- are up in the steep, rocky ridges. When the insurgents attack, they fire down on American soldiers and Afghan civilians alike. "The semiotics of it are great," says Lt. Col. Chris Cavoli, commander of 1-32, a unit of the 10th Mountain Division. "You can't buy press like that. The way the fight is constructed is to deliver one message: We're here to protect you, and the bad guys are here to ruin your lives." The battalion's progress comes amid warnings that elsewhere in Afghanistan, the Taliban are resurgent and public faith is sagging in the government of President Hamid Karzai. The United Nations secretary general reported last month that the insurgents are "emboldened by their strategic successes, rather than disheartened by tactical failures." A February study by the Center for Strategic and International Studies, a Washington think tank, said the situation in Afghanistan is "both more perilous and more complex" than at any other time since the U.S.-led coalition toppled the Taliban regime after Sept. 11, 2001. Critics say the setbacks have come in part because the U.S., distracted by the war in Iraq, has too little manpower in Afghanistan to engage in community policing. Striking Results Here, however, the results are striking. A year ago, the Pech Valley, the main artery through the area, was a gantlet of roadside bombings and rocket-propelled grenade fire. Lately there have been just two or three roadside bombs a month, and the locals frequently report them to Afghan or U.S. troops before they explode. A year ago, it took five hours to drive the 19 miles from Asadabad, the nearest big town, to Nangalam, site of the nearest sizable U.S. military base. The road was little more than a goat trail. Now a U.S.-funded, $7.5 million project is turning it into a two-lane, paved road connecting the Pech Valley to, in effect, the rest of the world. Col. Cavoli, a 42-year-old Princeton graduate who spent much of his youth in Italy, argues that the key to defeating the insurgents is having a "persistent presence" among the people, not just "persistent raiding." Placing American and Afghan troops around villages creates a security bubble, he says, that allows the U.S. to pour money into economic-development projects. "The basic idea is to kill the enemy to convince the people that you can and will protect them," says the colonel, a compact man with receding hair and an easy grin. "Then in the breathing space created, you've got to do something to connect the people to the government." The road is central to Col. Cavoli's strategy: It demonstrates the goodwill of the American and Afghan governments by giving the residents a commercial link they desperately need. Already, a hotel is under construction in Nangalam and gas stations are appearing along the river. Once the hard surface is in place, it will be more difficult for insurgents to plant roadside bombs. The construction provides jobs to hundreds of local men who might otherwise be tempted to join the insurgency. And the road lures the insurgents out of the mountains in a way that, Army officers argue, will inevitably alienate them further from the population. The road is popular with the locals; attacking it is not. The Americans now plan more roads, including a $7.5 million stretch to Waygal, the village where Lt. Malmstrom and his men landed recently. In December, the Army and Marine Corps issued a new counterinsurgency doctrine that closely hews to Col. Cavoli's approach, arguing that killing the enemy is less important than building ties to the local populace -- and to do that, American troops may have to take on more risk themselves. "If military forces remain in their compounds, they lose touch with the people, appear to be running scared and cede the initiative to the insurgents," the new manual says. Col. Cavoli is "on the cutting edge of a new approach to counterinsurgency," says Col. John Nicholson, commander of the 3rd | |